flfllllll 


BANCROFT 

LIBRARY 

•> 

THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


THE    YOUNG   WOMAN 
CITIZEN 


BY 

MARY  AUSTIN 

AUTHOB  OF  "THE  LAND  or  LITTLE  BAM,"  vto. 


THE    WOMANS    PRESS 

NEW  YORK 

1913 


COPYRIGHT,  1918,  BY 

THE  NATIONAL  BOARD,  YOUNG  WOMEN'S  CHRISTIAN  ASSOCIATIONS 

OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 

NEW  YORK 


DEDICATED 

TO  THE 

YOUNG  WOMEN  OF  AMERICA 

WHO  FIRST  ASSUMED  AT  THE  CRISIS  OF  THEIR   COUNTRY'S   HISTORY 

THEIR  SHARE  OF  POLITICAL  RESPONSIBILITY, 

IN  THE  HOPE  THAT   IT  MAY  AID  THEM  IN  CARRYING  THEIR  CITIZENSHIP 
SUCCESSFULLY,  WITH  AS  HIGH  A  SENSE  OF  PRIVILEGE  AND  OBLIGATION 
AS  SUPPORTED  THE  WOMEN  OF  AN  EARLIER   GENERATION 
WHOSE  LABORS  WON  THEM  THEIR  OPPORTUNITY 


FOREWORD 

rpHE  significance  of  this  book  is  its  insistence 
upon  conscious  preparation  for  citizenship  as 
wide  as  the  world  itself.  The  writer  does  not  dic- 
tate what  the  young  woman  citizen  must  do  to  build 
into  the  world  democracy  to  which  America  is  so 
surely  committed;  she  has  chosen  rather  to  set  up 
certain  guide-posts  for  a  working  philosophy  of 
citizenship.  Although  the  book  is  addressed  to 
young  women  it  will  appeal  to  all  world  citizens, 
for  the  fundamental  conviction  on  which  the  book 
is  built  is  that  the  new  day  in  world  politics  will 
come  only  through  the  combined  efforts  of  men 
and  women  who  have  faith  in  each  other  and  who 
are  willing  to  pay  the  costs  of  social  awareness. 
It  is  hoped  by  the  publishers  that  this  book  can 
give  direction  to  the  thinking  of  those  who  are  to 
bear  the  heavy  burdens  of  readjustment  which 
face  young  people  of  to-day. 


CONTENTS 

Chapter  I 

The  significance  of  the  enfranchised  woman's  position — the  relation 
of  woman's  citizen  resources  to  group  activity — women  as  well  as 
men  are  committed  to  solving  the  problem  of  world  democracy — the 
importance  of  Americanization — relating  young  people  and  nationalized 
citizens  to  political  trends. 

Chapter  II 

Correct  estimate  of  women  by  women  essential  to  full  citizenship — 
civilization  the  result  of  manitarian  not  humanitarian  methods — women's 
instinct  for  social  direction — introduction  and  application  of  new  civic 
consciousness  to  methods  of  administration — women  use  privileges  of 
democracy  to  escape  its  experience — language  an  indication  of  American 
democracy. 

Chapter  III 

Social  philosophies  result  of  experience — politics  the  technique  of 
togetherness — practice  the  basis  of  political  theory — history  and  the 
press  vital  contributors  in  moulding  political  system — importance  of 
understanding  women  as  well  as  men  leaders. 

Chapter  IV 

Art  may  contribute  to  citizenship — another  aspect  of  free  speech — 
about  censorship — freedom  of  impression. 

Chapter  V 

Social  awareness — political  common  denominator — the  young  citizen 
draft — its  substitutes — the  novel  as  an  epitome  of  social  awareness — 
guides  to  political  affiliations — significance  of  social  movements  good 
and  bad — spiritual  perceptions. 


Chapter  VI 

Admission  of  women  to  party  politics  involves  changes  in  political 
life — bosses  and  bossism — American  women's  organizational  experience 
an  asset — what  the  public  has  a  right  to  ask  of  a  political  leader — 
influence  on  political  parties — government  expressive  of  social  consent — 
artificial  State  boundaries. 

Chapter  VH 

Nationalism — trends  of  internationalism — individuality  a  causus 
belli — communism  as  a  new  element  in  nationality  in  Mexico  and 
Russia — Mexican  problem — expansion  of  Germany  and  Japan  in  Europe 
and  Asia — United  States,  Japan,  and  Africa — demands  of  small  nations. 

Chapter  Yin 

Evolution  vs.  revolution — social  revolution  the  yeast  of  the  world — 
its  totemic  pattern — the  new  social  democracy  and  the  new  internation- 
alism— labor's  role — women  workers  still  unrelated  to  mass  decisions. 

Chapter  IX 

Business  and  politics  interrelated — change  from  industrialism  to 
commercialism — advertising — women  as  simplifiers  of  financial  methods 
— the  Social  Stream — waste  of  woman  power — the  war  government's 
job. 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN 
CITIZEN 


r  I  ^HE  art  of  living  together  is  the  first  of  all  the 
A  arts.  It  came  to  consciousness  out  of  a  group 
life  in  which  the  group  alone  was  thought  of  as 
an  entity.  All  the  interests  of  its  members  were 
so  identified  that  no  word  for  the  individual  had 
been  invented,  nothing  discriminated  between  I 
and  we,  mine  and  ours. 

Between  that  and  the  time  in  which  we 
name  as  citizen  any  inhabitant  of  a  country  who 
determines  for  himself  what  contribution  he  will 
make  to  group  activities,  there  has  been  a  wide 
range  of  experimentation.  We  have  tried  living 
together  as  chief  and  tribesman,  as  master  and 
slave,  as  lord  and  serf.  We  have  experimented 
in  class  and  caste,  aristocrats  and  commoners, 
the  senate,  the  citizens  and  the  Roman  people. 
Last  of  all  to  yield  to  the  instinctive  struggle  of 

3 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

the  individual  to  regain  his  self-determined  place 
within  the  social  whole,  is  the  system  of  discrim- 
ination based  on  sex.  It  is  now  finally  established 
in  the  practice  of  the  American  commonwealth 
that  women  may  become  citizens. 

The  whole  progress  of  the  race  is  up  a  spiral 
stair.  Always  society  is  seen  re-naming  the  points 
of  the  social  compass,  but  always  with  a  wider 
prospect  at  each  return  of  the  spiral,  a  little  nearer 
to  the  stars.  And  when  we  look  for  a  single  item 
to  measure  the  up-sw.eep  of  the  curve,  we  find  it 
in  the  degree  of  voluntary  participation  by  the 
members  of  the  group,  in  group  affairs. 

Before  our  prospect  widened  to  take  in  the 
citizenship  of  women,  we  had  to  reorganize  our 
whole  way  of  looking  at  political  organization. 
We  had  to  recover  from  a  concept  of  government 
as  something  applied,  something  buckled  about 
the  unprivileged  classes  to  keep  the  world  from 
falling  apart. 

Out  of  the  very  constitution  of  man  as  a  social 
animal  comes  this  strange  fear  of  dissolution,  the 
source  and  excuse  of  centuries  of  social  tyranny. 
People  must  be  held  down  or  they  will  not  hold 
together:  women,  if  uncompelled,  will  somehow 
cease  to  be  women.  How  many  times  the  field  of 
social  consent  had  to  be  enlarged  by  war  and  revo- 
lution before  we  discovered  that  men  can  no  more 

4 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

fall  out  of  relation  to  one  another  than  they  can 
fall  off  the  earth! 

All  the  cruel  history  of  taboo,  ostracism,  excom- 
munication and  penal  codes  are  but  slow  steps 
to  understanding  that  the  outlander,  the  heretic 
and  the  criminal  are  still  members  of  society,  and 
cannot  be  excised  out  of  our  social  reckoning. 
Even  the  generation  not  yet  born  is  part  of  us, 
and  compels  us  somehow  to  take  its  consent  into 
account.  The  extraordinary  thing  is  that  we  wish 
to  take  it  into  account,  that  we  have  in  the  exercise 
of  voluntary  social  participation,  something  of  the 
fine  youthful  plunge  into  clear  water,  the  buoying 
power  of  it,  the  satisfying  fatigue  of  our  own  stroke. 
We  are  disposed  to  deny  that  the  stream  is  dirty, 
as  is  commonly  reported;  we  have  that  large  con- 
fidence in  our  ability  to  make  way  in  it  which  all 
creatures  have  for  their  native  element. 

If  group  activity  is  not  the  natural  element  of 
women  we  shall  make  poor  work  of  it,  for  we  come 
to  it  without  any  well  thought  out  preparation. 
Up  to  a  certain  day  in  our  lives  politics  is  no  more 
to  us  than  the  sea  on  which  the  pleasant  craft 
of  school  and  home  is  floated.  Suddenly  we  are 
tossed  overboard.  And  we  are  not  tossed  alone. 
Weltering  around  us  are  the  wrecks  of  all  our 
pleasant  certainties,  and  the  voices  of  our  captains 
calling  on  God  out  of  the  storm.  Before  we  have 

5 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

tried  out  the  relation  of  the  woman-nature  to 
democracy,  we  are  called  upon  to  establish  newer 
and  higher  forms  of  it  than  we  haVe  ever  known. 

America  is  committed  to  a  World  Democracy. 
We  are  committed  to  an  entente  of  nations  in 
which  neither  size  nor  form  of  government  nor 
geographical  location  shall  establish  a  privilege. 
We  are  committed  to  it  as  unequivocally  as  to 
war,  and  we  are  even  more  unprepared. 

We  have  bound  ourselves  to  produce  a  world 
politics  and  we  have  not  even  the  habit  of  world 
thinking  out  of  which  to  conceive  it.  If  an  ade- 
quate answer  to  the  world  question  comes  from 
America,  it  must  come  out  of  the  soul  of  the  people 
rather  than  out  of  their  politics.  It  must  come 
as  evidence  of  the  enormous  creative  force  there 
is  in  even  our  limited  experience  of  Democracy. 
And  it  must  come,  as  much  as  from  any  other 
source,  from  the  American  woman.  Quite  literally 
and  explicitly,  the  new  instrument  must  be  shaped 
and  smoothed  by  woman-thought. 

There  is  a  sense  in  which  every  man  who  takes 
arms  in  this  war  is  taking  arms  for  women  against 
man-thought  running  amuck,  against  all  the  worst 
features  of  the  man-mind:  ferocity,  egotism,  com- 
bativeness,  as  expressed  in  the  conduct  of  war. 
That  is  why  there  is  so  much  less  of  the  romantic  in 
the  attitude  of  women  everywhere  toward  this 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

war,  so  much  more  of  the  maternal.  Women  have 
come  down  out  of  the  balcony.  But  they  might 
just  as  well  have  stayed  there,  waving  their  hand- 
kerchiefs, unless  they  have  prepared  themselves 
to  render  first  aid  to  world  politics. 

The  idea  of  World  Democracy  is  so  completely  ac- 
cepted in  America  that  we  forget  how  new  it  is  among 
the  nations  and  how  shallowly  it  is  still  conceived. 
Latent  in  the  world's  thought  for  the  past  hundred 
years,  it  waked  first  in  England  with  the  thunder 
of  German  guns  against  the  forts  of  Belgium. 
And  even  then  we  were  able  to  think  of  what  fol- 
lowed in  the  next  two  years  as  none  of  our  business ! 
Without  this  war  we  might  have  spent  another 
hundred  years  moving  comfortably  from  vague 
good  will  toward  creative  conviction.  We  must  think 
of  that  as  offsetting  the  waste  of  battle.  All  the 
lives  that  go  out  violently  are  perhaps  not  so  many 
as  would  have  passed  uncounted  in  the  slow  ac- 
complishments of  peace.  Among  the  Conservatives 
of  the  neutral  nations,  where  nothing  has  been 
paid  down  on  the  counters  of  the  world  for  this 
new  promise  of  World  Democracy,  the  idea  is  scarcely 
current,  or,  if  at  all,  only  as  a  beautiful  ideal.  Even 
here  at  home  there  are  people  refusing  to  accept 
the  ideal  for  us,  because,  as  they  carefully  point 
out,  there  were  times  in  the  past  when  neither 
we  nor  our  Allies  entertained  these  ideals. 

7 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

This  is  the  sort  of  argument  which  makes  war  in- 
evitable by  making  consistency  a  matter  of  being 
faithful  to  the  past.  But  the  only  consistency  which 
is  worth  bothering  about,  keeps  us  faithful  to  the 
future.  Whatever  we  did  in  the  Philippines,  in  Haiti 
and  Santo  Domingo,  whatever  England  did  in  South 
Africa,  and  Belgium  in  the  Congo,  we  are  still  com- 
mitted irretrievably  to  the  new  order.  We  have 
caught  fire  from  the  spark  kindled  by  the  clashing 
of  forest  boughs  in  a  high  wind,  the  wind  of  the 
world's  desire  to  live  together  as  members  of  a  whole. 
This  is  the  wish  that  is  trying  to  get  itself  stated  in 
this  war;  and  the  finish  of  the  fighting  will  come  to 
take  its  place  in  history  as  no  more  than  the  first 
period  to  that  statement. 

§ 

If  you  go  to  Washington  you  will  find  few 
men  able  to  take  their  minds  off  the  im- 
mediate business  of  winning  the  war  to  discuss 
the  politics  of  reconstruction.  And  whenever 
peace  comes  at  the  front,  it  will  come  without 
giving  our  men  time  to  rearrange  their  experience 
and  shape  it  to  definite  measures.  Something  must 
be  thought  out,  brought  together  from  all  political 
sources,  for  the  men  to  work  with  when  they  come 
home  with  their  new  convictions  fresh  upon  them. 
We  must  be  very  sure  of  our  facts,  very  clear  as  to 
their  import,  and  able  to  state  them  in  world  terms. 

8 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

We  saw  how  ready  the  response  of  American  men 
can  be  to  world  stimuli  in  the  success  of  woman  suf- 
frage in  the  State  of  New  York.  Their  attention 
being  fixed  on  the  larger  struggle  of  the  nations, 
their  whole  political  outlook  took  on  a  larger  sweep, 
and  men  found  themselves  voting  for  suffrage  who 
had  never  before  thought  of  themselves  as  doing 
anything  of  the  kind.  But  the  measure  lay  ready  to 
their  hands,  beaten  out  of  the  thoughts  and  convic- 
tions of  American  women. 

Many  an  American  woman  is  today  holding  her 
husband's  place  in  the  shop  or  factory.  What  we 
women  must  also  hold  is  the  pace  America  has  set 
in  the  first  line  of  democratic  thinking. 

First  of  all,  we  have  to  make  American  Democracy 
something  more  than  the  rule  of  the  majority. 
Enough  people  think  about  alike  in  America  to  give 
a  definite  color  to  our  idealism.  Certain  sorts  of 
ideas  are  easily  recognized  l.y  t_:e  rest  of  the  world 
as  "made  in  America."  But  we  ourselves  are  only 
beginning  to  realize  that  not  all  the  people  called 
Americans  have  had  a  part  in  making  them;  nor  are 
they  the  only  kinds  of  ideas  made  here. 

Millions  of  people  have  come  to  the  United  States 
with  a  fixed  idea  that  any  obligation  that  may  be  in 
the  situation  is  owed  from  America  to  them.  They 
bring  us  nothing  but  their  necessities,  old  grudges 
against  society  and  vague  dreams;  they  offer  us  not 

9 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

even  the  gift  of  understanding,  nor  the  courtesy  of 
learning  to  speak  our  language.  For  millions  of 
these  people  the  first  American  ideal  which  hi  ^ 
pierced  their  isolation  has  been  the  opportunity  to 
fight  for  World  Democracy .  They  understand  what 
is  being  fought  over  there  better  than  they  have 
ever  understood  the  fight  the  rest  of  us  had  to  make 
for  the  republicanism  that  could  produce  an  ideal 
of  World  Democracy.  This  state  of  things  has  grown 
up  very  largely  out  of  our  handling  of  Americaniza- 
tion as  a  matter  of  sentiment,  an  emotional  reaction, 
which  follows  naturally  as  measles  on  the  exposure 
of  the  foreign-born  to  American  influences.  We 
have  not  yet  thought  of  Americanization  as  some- 
thing to  be  demonstrated  by  social  practice. 

The  first  question  we  have  to  ask  ourselves  is, 
whether  an  immigrant  can  be  said  to  be  exposed  to 
American  influences  who  never  is  required  to  speak 
the  American  tongue,  or  read  American  ideas  as  they 
are  circulated  in  the  press.  Attempts  were  recently 
made  in  New  York  City  to  interest  the  foreign-born 
women  in  their  new  privilege  of  the  ballot,  on  the 
ground  of  what  the  United  States  had  done  for  them. 
But  they  did  not  know,  very  many  of  them,  what 
the  United  States  had  done.  Swathed  hundreds  of 
years  deep  in  ignorance  and  prejudice,  they  had 
never  heard  of  the  Workmen's  Compensation  Act, 
of  mothers'  allowances,  and  other  civil  and  industrial 

10 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

advantages  which  American-born  citizens  have  won 
*or  them  at  great  pains.  We  are  shocked  and  indig- 
nant sometimes  at  the  unwillingness  of  these  women 
to  give  their  men  to  fight,  or  to  enter  with  us  into 
the  local  struggle  against  political  corruption  and 
industrial  oppression.  But  the  neglect  of  these  citi- 
zen obligations  would  not  be  so  widespread  if  there 
had  not  been  an  earlier,  more  general  neglect  on 
their  part,  of  the  obligation  of  being  citizenly  in- 
formed. 

Nothing  is  so  certain  as  that  all  the  world  democ- 
racy we  are  ever  going  to  have  will  be  only  so  much 
as  we  can  use.  We  cannot  hope  to  establish  it  on  a 
very  high  plane  until  we  have  taken  the  measure,  by 
use,  of  what  we  have  on  hand.  Before  we  are  able 
to  put  our  ideas  into  world  form,  we  must  ex- 
plore the  American  ideal  as  it  has  already  expressed 
itself  in  our  laws  and  industries;  we  must  test 
every  political  privilege  for  its  power  of  increasing 
human  welfare;  we  must  use  every  political  ad- 
vantage as  fast  as  it  is  secured.  And  we  must  lay 
this  obligation,  so  far  as  is  consistent  with  our  insti- 
tutions, equally  on  every  citizen. 


Politics  is  the  progressive  practice  of  social  rela- 
tions. It  ought  to  present  a  progressive  distribution 
of  responsibilities,  beginning  with  the  earliest  rela- 

11 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

tions  that  an  individual  establishes.  It  should  be- 
gin, as  it  did  in  the  ancient  tribe,  at  fifteen  years  or 
thereabout,  at  the  point  when  youth  begins  to 
choose  its  own  relationships.  Wise  parents  give 
their  children  some  little  duties  in  the  home  as  soon 
as  the  children  are  old  enough  to  realize  the  home. 
The  moment  the  child  is  admitted  to  the  world  out- 
side the  home,  the  world  of  the  school  and  the 
street,  a  sense  of  responsibility  toward  that  new 
world  should  be  developed. 

Youths  old  enough  to  spend  a  part  of  their  time 
unattended  in  the  parks  and  playgrounds  are  old 
enough  to  take  their  share  of  the  upkeep  of  all  places 
of  public  recreation.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  youth  is 
enormously  interested  in  what  goes  on  in  the  streets. 
It  would  make  a  hero  of  the  Policeman  if  permitted, 
and  finds  that  the  Garbage  Man  is  a  figure  of  ro- 
mance. And  as  for  a  fire — !  We  shall  never  know 
just  how  much  the  practice  of  clubbing  boys  away 
from  the  really  important  happenings  of  the  street 
has  to  do  with  their  easy  surrender  of  the  police  de- 
partment and  the  departments  of  street-cleaning 
and  fire  protection  to  the  political  ring.  But  it 
has  its  share  in  educating  our  youth  in  general 
to  think  of  himself  as  an  uninterested  by- 
stander in  the  business  of  his  town.  Principles  of 
traffic  management  can  best  be  taught  at  the  age 
when  the  street  is  still  an  exciting  pageant.  Markets 

12 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

are  as  fascinating  as  foreign  travel  if  you  come  to 
them  in  the  same  spirit. 

A  similar  progression  of  citizen  obligations  should 
be  laid  on  every  adult  woman  becoming  American 
through  naturalization.  There  is  no  good  reason 
why  these  women,  who  are  often  wise  in  their  own 
way  of  life,  should  be  allowed  to  retire  into  an  iso- 
lation of  speech  and  domestic  habit.  To  have  thou- 
sands of  them  living  in  the  ideas  and  prejudices  of 
the  European  proletariat  pulls  down  the  whole  Amer- 
ican average.  It  makes  social  slackers  of  them, 
whereas  they  might  contribute  much.  For  every  one 
of  these  women  has  her  own  experience  to  draw 
from,  if  it  is  only  an  experience  of  the  lack  of  democ- 
racy, an  experience  of  oppression  and  unbearable 
poverty.  She  owes  it  to  the  country  of  her  adoption 
to  add  her  experience  and  her  point  of  view  to  the 
general  sum.  It  should  be  paid  as  conscientiously  as 
taxes. 

Not  having  any  such  practical  apprenticeship  to 
citizen  experience  to  fall  back  upon,  the  young  wom- 
an citizen  of  today  must  begin  at  that  point  in  the 
feminist  procession  which  reinstates  her  in  group 
activities  on  an  equal  footing  with  men.  The  pre- 
cise point  I  have  in  inind  is  that  discovery  which 
she  had  to  make  for  herself,  that  the  world  does  not 
necessarily  fall  apart  because  of  a  change  in  the 
fashion  of  our  living  together.  Before  woman  could 

is 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

bring  her  demand  for  the  franchise  to  the  crisis,  she 
had  to  feel  out  for  herself  the  pasteboard  and  calico 
composition  of  that  Mumbo  Jumbo  of  social  dissolu- 
tion which  is  shaken  in  the  face  of  every  advancing 
movement.  Beyond  everything  else,  she  had  to  feel 
out  the  heavens,  in  case,  as  everybody  predicted, 
they  should  really  fall  in  the  breaking  of  that  most 
ancient  political  taboo. 

And  yet  the  heavens  have  not  fallen!  Once  for  all 
in  the  launching  of  a  democratizing  movement  of 
the  magnitude  of  half  the  population,  without  sen- 
sible inconvenience  to  the  other  half,  political  deci- 
sions are  established  as  something  that  can  be  taken 
back.  This,  for  another  hundred  years,  is  of  more 
significance  than  that  women  have  achieved  the  use 
of  the  ballot. 

Government  is  the  frame  and  form  by  which  we 
function  citizenly,  the  furniture  of  our  social  house, 
which  we  can  arrange  at  our  convenience;  nor  should 
we  expect  anything  world-shaking  to  happen  should 
a  piece  by  accident  be  overturned.  We  have  only 
to  consider  whether  any  furniture  which  shows  a 
disposition  to  top-heaviness  should  be  retained  in  a 
well-lived  house. 

Men  have  had  time  to  forget  their  struggle  for  the 
vote  and  what  it  cost  them.  But  we  who  are  mid- 
way in  it  still  have  it  fresh  in  our  minds  that  the 
worst  obstacle  to  political  progress  is  not  anything 

14 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

material.  It  is  not  anything  actually  upsetting  and 
incommoding.  It  is,  nine  times  out  of  ten,  a  paste- 
board and  calico  bogey,  and  its  name  is  prejudice. 
Coming  at  a  time  when  war  is  compelling  us  to 
things  that  we  never  before  thought  of  doing,  this  is 
reassuring.  If  we  can  vote  without  bringing  the 
skies  down  upon  us,  we  can  no  doubt  open  other 
doors  upon  unknown  prospects.  We  shall  probably 
find  that  there  are  no  bogies  at  all  on  the  other 
side,  but  more  sun  and  fresher  air. 


15 


n 


IF  the  young  woman  citizen  is  to  begin  where 
she  is,  at  the  turn  of  the  spiral  that  admits 
her  to  be  statistically  equally  important  with 
men,  she  must  also  begin  precisely  with  what  she 
is.  The  long  necessity  for  proving  our  fitness  for 
citizenship  in  men's  terms  has  given  to  women 
a  certain  distrust  of  the  woman's  way  of  doing 
things.  For  so  many  centuries  man's  intelligence 
was  the  only  kind  of  intelligence  that  was  heard 
from  that  we  are  still  inclined  to  judge  any  intelli- 
gence that  shows  itself ,  by  the  masculine  standard. 
So  absolutely  has  humanitarian  meant  mamtarian 
that  it  is  not  so  very  long  ago  that  the  first  case 
for  the  protection  of  children  from  cruelty  was 
tried  in  the  United  States  courts  under  the  law  for 
the  prevention  of  cruelty  to  animals,  for  the  child 
had  no  standing  in  court  except  as  an  animal. 
Unconsciously  this  age-long  habit  so  colors  all 
our  thinking,  that  the  first  thing  that  the  woman 
citizen  must  ask  herself  is  whether  she  is  coming 
to  her  new  obligation  as  another,  less  experienced 
man,  or  whether  she  has  anything  to  contribute 
as  a  woman. 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

The  potency  of  the  ballot  was  never  so  great 
as  now,  a  potency  derived  not  from  numbers, 
but  from  its  increasing  intimacy  with  the  will 
and  the  desires  of  human  kind.  The  political  de- 
cision which  gives  to  women  the  vote  is  rather 
in  the  nature  of  an  affirmation  than  an  achieve- 
ment. It  is  a  way  of  saying  that  the  art  of  social 
living  cannot  be  acquired  by  the  one  hah*  of  society, 
to  be  by  them  imposed  upon  the  other.  It  says  a 
great  deal  besides;  of  the  substitution  of  growth 
for  combat  as  the  major  occupation  of  nations; 
of  the  establishment  in  social  theory,  whether  it 
is  in  the  practice  or  not,  of  the  creative  element. 
But  reinforcement  of  the  franchise  by  the  woman 
vote  can  only  be  in  the  degree  that  women  bring 
new  lights  out  of  their  especial  experience  to  il- 
luminate the  problem  of  the  whole. 

Civilization  as  we  have  it  now  is  one-eyed  and 
one-handed.  It  is  kept  going  by  man's  way  of 
seeing  things,  and  man's  way  of  dealing  with  the 
things  that  he  sees.  It  is  true  that  the  most  civilized 
men  have  thrown  off  the  old  imperialistic  man- 
thought,  and  are  dying  unafraid  for  their  new 
vision.  But  it  is  also  true  that  the  greatest  obstacle 
to  disarmament  at  this  moment  is  the  necessity 
we  are  still  under  of  approaching  the  problems 
involved  by  a  man-method. 

Man's   method   in   approaching   a   new   issue   is 

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to  throw  out  an  hypothesis,  a  general  supposition 
of  what  seems  likely  or  desirable  to  prove  true. 
Then  he  sets  about  proving  the  hypothesis,  or 
as  it  may  turn  out,  disproving  it.  Democracy  was 
such  an  hypothesis;  Socialism  is  another,  and  so 
is  the  League  of  Nations. 

But  whatever  men  think,  they  have  to  go  on 
living.  By  the  time  a  particular  hypothesis  is 
shown  to  be  mistaken,  society  finds  itself  involved 
in  habits  of  living  not  easily  broken.  Having  com- 
mitted itself  to  a  theory  of  the  future,  there  is 
always  a  certain  flavor  of  disloyalty  and  back- 
sliding about  even  an  improving  change.  Before 
we  are  able  to  get  out  of  a  given  social  predicament, 
a  new  theory  of  the  case  must  be  formulated. 
Thus  the  human  concern  goes  zigzagging  on  its 
course  instead  of  proceeding  to  its  goal  with  the 
instinct  of  a  homing  pigeon.  The  demand  for  a 
statement  of  peace  terms  in  advance  is  part  of  man's 
habit  of  hypothesis.  The  reluctance  to  state  those 
terms  is  a  recognition  of  the  likelihood  of  such 
a  statement  not  proving  satisfactory.  Thus  the 
fighting  goes  on  until  an  hypothesis  appears  which 
has  the  stripe  of  authority,  or  until  a  military 
decision  is  reached  which  renders  an  hypothesis 
unnecessary. 

During  the  past  fifty  years,  what  is  called  the 
scientific  method  has  done  much  to  rid  the  world 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

of  the  burden  of  the  hypothesis.  This  has  been 
done  by  combining  it  with  the  method  of  intuitive 
approach.  Now  if  there  is  any  such  thing  as  an 
instinct  for  social  direction,  it  must,  since  it  has 
not  appeared  anywhere  else,  be  vested  in  women. 
It  must  be  in  a  very  rudimentary  state,  because 
it  has  never  been  called  upon  or  exercised.  At 
any  rate,  it  is  the  woman  habit  to  think  the  next 
thing  which  enables  women  to  keep  their  opinions 
in  a  continuous  state  of  mobilization  without  any 
suspicion  of  inconsistency.  They  are  faithful  to 
the  ideal  rather  than  to  the  method.  Women 
trust  life  more  than  men  do.  They  are  much 
less  troubled  with  the  fear  of  the  world  falling 
apart  if  they  do  not  keep  their  eye  upon  it. 

This  capacity  for  intuitive  judgment  is  the 
best  thing  women  have  to  bring  to  their  new  under- 
taking, this  and  the  things  that  grow  out  of  it. 
This  is  what  women  have  to  stand  on  squarely; 
not  their  ability  to  see  the  world  in  the  way  men 
see  it,  but  the  importance  and  validity  of  their 
seeing  it  some  other  way. 

§ 

Trying  to  produce  civilization  as  we  have 
been  doing  it,  is  like  attempting  to  put  together 
a  picture  puzzle  with  the  most  important  piece 
lost.  The  piece  that  is  lost  is  the  one  that  would 
enable  us  to  see  the  connection  between  what  is 

19 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

called  practical  and  what  is  called  spiritual.  We 
think  of  these  two  as  divided  by  a  great  gap.  We 
think  of  one  of  them  as  being  base,  but  necessary, 
and  the  other  as  lovely,  but  unattainable.  We 
think  of  passing  from  one  to  the  other  in  some  far 
future  when  we  shall  all  have  undergone  a  great 
change,  an  emotional  regeneration.  Always  we 
think  that  it  is  we  who  will  have  to  change,  because 
we  think  of  spirituality  as  something  that  we 
must  feel. 

The  piece  that  is  lost  is  the  one  upon  which  it 
is  written  that  spirituality  is  something  to  do. 
It  is  lost  somewhere  in  the  experience  of  the  average 
woman,  hidden  under  the  rubbish  of  domesticity 
and  overlaid  with  false  idealism,  so  that  she  herself 
scarcely  knows  that  it  is  there.  But  as  soon  as 
it  is  uncovered,  the  least  educated  immigrant  woman 
can  recognize  it  as  the  most  familiar  item  of  her 
experience. 

Things  that  are  called  practical  become  spiritual, 
not  through  a  process  of  emotion,  but  through  a 
process  of  administration.  Every  day  of  their  lives 
women  are  taking  such  common  and  material 
things  as  bread  and  meat  and  sex,  wounds  and 
old  clothes,  and  rendering  them  spiritual  by  admin- 
istering them  in  the  interests  of  religion,  family 
affection,  humanity. 

That  is  the  secret  of  this  precious,  unexplored 

20 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

treasure  of  woman's  experience.  The  whole  dif- 
ference between  the  practical  and  the  ideal  is  a 
matter  of  administration,  of  the  way  the  thing  is 
done.  The  difference  between  a  trained  nurse 
and  a  pitying  female  is  a  difference  of  training; 
mastery  over  the  conditions  of  sickness  takes  the 
place  of  an  emotion  about  it.  It  would  be  just 
as  simple  to  administer  a  meat  market  or  a  city 
milk  supply  in  the  interests  of  common  health  and 
common  comfort.  It  would  not  require  any  change 
of  emotions  or  any  different  sort  of  people.  But 
it  would 'require  a  different  method.  That  is  the 
whole  secret  of  ideal  politics,  of  the  ideal 
State. 

Milk  in  our  large  cities  is  managed  on  what  is 
called  a  "practical"  basis.  That  does  not  mean 
that  it  is  so  managed  that  every  child  in  the  city 
gets  all  the  milk  he  needs.  What  it  does  mean  is 
that  every  man  who  handles  milk  gets  something 
out  of  it  for  himself,  and  the  children  get  as 
much  as  is  left.  That  every  man  should  get 
something  for  himself,  and  that  every  child  should 
at  the  same  time  get  what  he  needs,  is  looked  upon 
as  millennial,  a  beautiful,  "impractical"  dream. 
It  is  only  impractical  in  so  far  as  the  city  has  no 
mastery  over  milk.  We  have  no  intelligent  sure 
way  of  producing  milk  and  distributing  it.  We 
are  as  much  at  the  mercy  of  milk  as  though  it  fell 

21 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

from  heaven  like  manna,  or  spouted  out  of  the 
earth  in  infrequent  geysers. 

The  effort  that  is  being  made  in  cities  to  have 
milk  administered  in  the  interests  of  the  children 
is  not  a  fight  for  "humanitarianism";  it  is  not 
even  a  fight  against  milk  dealers.  Milk  dealers  are 
not  in  any  sense  monstrous  and  inhuman.  The 
worst  that  you  can  say  about  them  is  that  they 
are  men,  and  are  thinking  about  milk,  man-fashion, 
as  a  commodity. 

The  difference  between  man-thinking  and  woman- 
thinking  on  these  points  is  the  difference  between  the 
ideal  and  the  "practical."  It  is  a  difference  in 
the  appreciation  of  values  from  which  the  thinking 
starts.  Woman-thinking  begins  with  the  nearest 
thing  at  hand,  with  the  child.  Her  values  are 
life  values.  Left  to  herself,  woman  would  not  think 
of  milk  as  a  means  of  making  a  living;  she  would 
think  of  it  as  a  means  of  giving  a  living.  This 
is  her  second  great  gift  to  politics, — her  habit  of 
centering  the  administration  of  her  affairs  around 
the  production  and  nourishment  of  life.  It  is  just 
as  easy,  just  as  "practical"  as  any  other  way  if 
you  start  with  it.  No  great  change  of  emotion 
is  necessary,  any  more  than  emotion  is  necessary 
in  going  from  Boston  to  New  York,  and  in  turning 
around  and  going  back  again  from  New  York  to 
Boston. 

22 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

§ 

Woman  must  not  relinquish  these  two  great 
advantages  in  an  effort  to  match  her  political 
achievement  with  man's.  She  must  not  even  make 
them  an  excuse  for  the  one  great  lack  which  women 
have  as  a  class,  in  not  having  yet  experienced  de- 
mocracy as  an  impersonal  instinct. 

Men  invented  democracy.  Just  because  it  is  a 
communal  experience,  there  is  something  in  it  not 
easily  communicable,  something  that  may  easily 
evade  the  understanding  of  woman.  There  is  no 
more  subtle  danger  confronting  the  woman  citizen 
than  this,  that  she  may  make  use  of  the  privilege  of 
democracy  to  escape  its  experience,  and  so  create 
a  profounder  isolation  than  man  ever  made  for  her. 

Every  good  woman  is  at  heart  a  matriarch.  Natu- 
rally the  organizing  center  of  the  family  group,  she 
has  not  so  much  experienced  democracy,  as  seized 
upon  it  as  a  means  of  making  everybody  more  com- 
fortable. It  is  for  this  chiefly  that  men  fear  her,  not 
for  the  things  she  may  by  the  ballot  do  with  society, 
but  for  her  ancient  maternal  instinct  to  do  something 
to  it.  It  is  a  danger  we  all  stand  in  unless  woman 
will  consent  to  learn  for  her  first  lesson  in  citizenship 
a  little  of  the  man's  quality  of  togetherness. 

It  is  in  the  nature  of  men  that  every  now  and 
then  they  should  run  together  shouting  the  same 
word.  All  that  is  necessary  to  remove  the  perform- 

23 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

ance  from  ridicule  is  that  they  should  run  toward 
something  and  that  the  word  should  be  a  word  of 
power.  The  root  of  democracy  is  a  joyous,  objec- 
tiveless  sense  of  allness.  There  is  no  reason  whatever 
to  suppose  that  men  got  together  in  the  beginning 
for  advantage,  but  rather  because  they  liked  to- 
getherness. It  is  written  in  history  that  before  in- 
dustry was  suffused  with  the  consciousness  of  mass 
interest,  men  turned  from  its  isolating  routine  and 
marched  out  to  fight  for  the  sheer  joy  of  the  com- 
mon impulse,  shoulder  touching  shoulder.  "Com- 
rade" was  the  soldier  word  they  learned,  and  the  whole 
face  of  world  politics  was  changed  when  they  first 
ran,  not  to  fight,  but  to  work  together,  shouting 
it  aloud. 

To  be  able  to  enter  into  the  crowd  and  the  shout 
without  any  undercurrent  of  a  wish  to  turn  it  in 
your  particular  direction  is  the  true  preface  to  poli- 
tics. For  women  to  snatch  at  the  franchise  to  make 
a  soft  place  in  the  world  for  women  is  never  to  have 
had  it.  Politics  can  be  taken  back,  but  democracy 
cannot  and  still  be  enjoyed  as  democracy. 

§ 

But  sure  of  the  need  of  woman-thought  in  politics 
as  women  have  a  right  to  be,  and  possessed  of  the 
instinct  of  the  crowd,  there  is  still  a  lack  peculiar  to 
American  Democracy  which,  if  not  remedied,  will 
make  a  teapot  adventure  of  our  world  policies.  It 

24 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

is  the  lack  of  a  popular  language  as  a  medium  in 
which  those  policies  may  be  clarified  for  our  own  use. 
I  do  not  mean  that  we  lack  a  universal  language  like 
Esperanto  or  Volapiik,  to  supersede  French  and 
German  and  English  as  an  international  medium.  I 
mean  that  we  have  no  American  vocabulary  which 
can  carry  all  the  meanings  that  we  shall  have  to 
exchange  with  other  nations. 

We  shall  have  no  success  in  establishing  World 
Democracy  unless  the  impulse  toward  it  gushes  out 
of  the  very  center  of  our  spiritual  and  intellectual 
life.  We  cannot  sell  it  to  the  world  as  we  sell  cotton 
and  tractors.  Or  if  we  manage  to  dispose  of  it  by 
our  superior  sales  efficiency,  it  will  be  a  terrible 
thing  for  us  all  if  it  turns  out  simply  to  be  some- 
thing made  to  sell,  fine  flimsy  sentiment  about  in- 
ternationalism. 

World  Democracy  is  not  a  thing  that  we  can  test 
in  advance  with  free  samples.  We  must  commit 
ourselves  to  it  as  to  a  faith,  made  evident  by  spirit- 
ual perception,  and  made  possible  by  fine,  discrim- 
inating words.  Ideas  cannot  live  and  grow  without 
words  any  more  than  trees  without  leaves. 

Language,  to  express  the  soul  of  a  nation,  has  to 
come  out  of  the  heart.  But  with  millions  of  our 
population  it  comes  only  from  the  lips.  Millions  of 
them  are  still  thinking  in  German  or  Yiddish  or 
Italian.  We  have  made  the  matter  worse  by  yield- 

25 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

ing  precious  hours  of  their  school  time  to  learning  to 
speak — very  inadequately,  it  is  true — other  lan- 
guages than  ours. 

If  some  woman  should  rise  among  us  with  a  pro- 
phetic gift,  some  woman  with  power  to  see  the  pres- 
ent and  divine  the  future  of  world  politics,  we  should 
probably  not  be  able  to  understand  her.  She  would 
be  a  woman  very  widely  acquainted  with  conditions 
in  every  part  of  the  world.  She  would  have  a  knowl- 
edge of  human  history  obtained  from  books  on  so- 
ciology, biology,  anthropology  and  psychology.  She 
would  be  able  to  state  world  politics  in  terms  of  his- 
tory and  science.  She  would  have  new  and  different 
words  to  express  new  ideas,  and  subtle  distinctions 
of  old  ones.  And  the  majority  of  people  would  not 
know  these  words.  Editors  would  object  to  their 
being  used  in  magazine  articles;  they  would  insist 
on  narrower,  more  commonplace  words  which  would 
squeeze  most  of  the  meaning  out  of  what  she  had  to 
say.  They  would  do  that  because  we  have  been 
willing  that  they  should.  We  have  been  too  lazy  to 
enrich  ourselves  with  new  words,  and,  lest  we  should 
feel  inferior  by  the  loss,  we  have  cultivated  a  sort  of 
contempt  for  the  skill  and  precision  which  make  dis- 
tinction in  language.  So  when  our  great  men  and 
women  rise,  they  are  not  able  to  speak  to  us  as 
mouth-pieces  of  American  thought,  with  the  clear 
call  of  the  American  spirit.  They  speak  as  lonely 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

"intellectuals,"  and  Europe  is  never  quite  sure  that 
they  belong  to  us. 

Europe  has  the  advantage  of  us  in  this.  Lan- 
guage in  England  is  not  all  spoken  alike,  but  it  is  all 
thought  alike.  The  French  take  care  of  their  lan- 
guage; they  prize  its  beauty  and  explicitness.  Even 
now,  in  the  midst  of  war,  they  have  agents  over  here 
to  inquire  into  the  teaching  of  French  in  our  univer- 
sities and  to  make  sure  that  we  have  only  the 
best.  Germany  has  held  on  to  her  language  as  the 
body  and  bones  of  her  propaganda.  She  manipu- 
lated our  local  politics  to  get  her  language  taught  in 
our  schools,  because  Germany  knows  that  the  lan- 
guage in  which  the  secret  thoughts  of  the  heart  are 
shaped  is  the  language  that  prevails.  But  we,  we 
have  gone  out  to  fight  for  a  unified  ideal  of  democ- 
racy with  troops  that  cannot  so  much  as  under- 
stand the  commands  of  their  officers !  We  are  full  of 
the  experience  of  a  hundred  years  of  the  mistakes 
and  triumphs  of  democracy,  and  we  have  no  way  of 
saying  it  finely  and  penetratingly  even  to  one  an- 
other. 

The  work  of  producing  a  precise,  flexible  language 
in  America  will  have  to  be  done  very  largely  by  the 
young  women  of  America.  It  must  be  a  young, 
fresh  language,  and  our  young  men  just  now  have 
other  things  to  do.  The  whole  world  of  young  wom- 
en takes  its  leadership  from  America.  Young  wom- 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

en  in  India,  looking  out  from  latticed  windows, 
young  women  in  China  where  there  are  still  bound 
feet,  where  it  is  a  very  daring  and  radical  thing 
to  belong  to  the  Young  Women's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, have  not  as  yet  much  to  contribute  to  the 
cause  of  human  liberty.  But  you  will  find  that  the 
few  of  them  that  get  out  into  the  world  have  a  bet- 
ter speech,  express  themselves  more  clearly  and  for- 
cibly than  the  average  young  American  woman. 
You  will  find,  too,  that  girls  out  of  shirt-waist  shops 
and  factories,  who  lead  the  front  ranks  of  labor, 
girls  without  any  educational  advantages  over  their 
fellow-workers,  have  no  lack  of  correct,  easy  lan- 
guage. Clear,  high  thinking  runs  to  keen  precise 
words  just  as  good  steel  takes  a  fine  edge.  You 
yourself  do  not  respect  your  thought  very  much,  nor 
can  you  expect  the  world  to  respect  it,  if  you  send  it 
out  clothed  in  the  scraps  and  rags  of  slang  and  slov- 
enly phrases.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  ex- 
tent to  which  woman-thought  will  enter  into  the 
negotiations  of  the  world's  peace  will  depend  all 
together  on  the  English-speaking  woman's  ability  to 
get  that  thought  adequately  expressed. 


Ill 


E  America  great  things  are  attempted  by  way 
>f  educating  the  public  on  particular  issues. 
But  for  citizenship  in  general  there  is  no  absolute 
preparation  because  there  is  no  absolute  criterion 
of  social  welfare. 

From  Plato  to  the  Fabians,  men  have  looked 
for  a  social  philosophy  which  could  be  clamped 
down  on  humanity  to  save  us,  forever  after,  the 
trouble  of  thinking  about  it.  Almost  overnight 
we  have  discovered  that  the  chief  of  man's  interests 
is  to  think  about  this  social  philosophy,  and  that 
social  experiment  is  the  most  worth  while  of  his 
adventures.  There  can  be  no  system  that  will 
fit  all  the  facts  of  a  social  situation,  since  at  no 
given  instant  can  it  be  said  that  the  facts  are  all 
there.  At  the  very  moment  that  we  may  be  spacing 
the  items  of  national  industry  in  an  acceptable 
pattern,  there  may  be  ticking  in  the  brain  of  some 
fellow-citizen  the  device  that  pushes  them  all  off 
the  board.  A  spinning  jenny,  new  motor  power, 
require  new  fashions  of  being  lived  with. 

This  is  comparatively  simple  when  the  new 
element  lies  within  the  field  in  which  we  have 

29 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

already  accepted  the  principle  of  expert  authority. 
It  is  easy  to  think  citizenly  of  garbage.  Any 
one  who  will  read  a  few  reports  of  the  Board  of 
Health  or  attend  a  lecture  or  two  on  the  theory  and 
practice  of  sanitation,  will  find  his  private  activity 
falling  conveniently  upon  the  side  of  public  health. 
Observances  of  public  safety,  such  as  not  stand- 
ing between  the  cars  or  dropping  lighted  matches 
about,  soon  become  automatic.  Some  of  our  pro- 
foundest  instincts  are  being  slowly  brought  under 
the  direction  of  authority  by  the  spread  of  knowl- 
edge about  inheritable  disease.  If  life  were  all 
lived  within  this  field  of  knowledgeability,  complete 
socialization  would  become  as  easy  for  us  as  for 
the  bees.  The  element  which  differentiates  the 
human  group  from  all. others  is  the  necessity  for 
living  with,  for  taking  into  account,  the  unknowable. 

The  world  is  comparatively  a  new  place.  Who 
can  say  what  principle  of  nationality  may  arise  out 
of  the  mixed  Latin  and  aboriginal  peoples  of  South 
America,  or  what  confronts  us  at  the  next  turn  of 
the  stair  in  the  awakening  to  racial  consciousness 
of  our  incorporated  African  strain! 

Politics  is  the  technique  of  living  together.  The 
search  of  today  is  not  for  a  fixed  frame  of  living, 
but  for  the  principle  of  elasticity.  To  attain  this, 
some  attention  to  private  character  is  indispensable. 
Kather,  an  end  must  be  made  to  the  idea  that 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

there  is  such  a  thing  as  private  character,  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  sort  of  character  we  are  expected 
to  exhibit  in  public  affairs.  There  is  only  character 
functioning  in  a  private  capacity. 

And  yet  our  whole  political  life  is  based  on 
the  assumption  that  a  man  can  fill  his  private 
life  with  practices  opposed  to  everything  that 
would  be  demanded  of  him  in  a  public  career, 
and  still  be  eligible  for  public  office.  This  does 
not  necessarily  mean  that  his  private  character  is 
"bad,"  in  the  sense  of  being,  opposed  to  a  set  of 
behaviors  called  "good."  The  difference  is  rather 
in  the  point  of  view  from  which  behavior  arises. 

Democracy  is  charged  with  the  weakness  of 
calling  men  to  office  who  have  not  learned  the 
trade:  merchants  and  artisans,  unfamiliar  with 
the  methods  of  public  administration.  But  modern 
business  demonstrates  that  the  element  of  incom- 
petence is  not  in  the  kind  of  material  men  have 
handled.  It  lies  rather  in  the  kind  of  thinking 
to  which  they  are  accustomed.  We  have  a  phrase, 
"public-spirited,"  which  we  apply  to  occasional  acts, 
such  as  the  endowment  of  a  hospital,  or  the  bestowal 
on  a  museum  of  an  art  collection  for  which  the  owner 
himself  has  only  a  limited  use.  But  we  permit  the 
wealth  which  makes  this  possible  to  be  acquired 
by  a  private  spirit  of  taking  every  advantage  that 
the  law  does  not  expressly  forbid. 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

True  public-spiritedness  is  a  state  of  continuous 
awareness  of  the  extent  to  which  other  people  are 
involved  in  everything  we  do,  and  of  their  right 
to  be  considered.  It  cannot  be  arrived  at  through 
an  occasional  indulgence  in  the  vanity  of  giving,  or 
an  occasional  perception  of  the  property  interest 
of  the  people  in  every  beautiful  and  useful  thing. 
The  impulse  of  even  habitually  self-interested  men 
toward  public  service  is  unquestioned  in  times  like 
these.  It  rests  on  a  very  profound  human  instinct, 
but  it  cannot  rise  to  any  considerable  heights  out 
of  a  daily  practice  of  charging  all  the  traffic  will 
bear,  or  taking  up  more  seats  in  the  car  than 
are  necessary.  Great  public  crises  occasionally 
call  men  out  of  profiteering  careers,  and  enable 
them  to  conduct  themselves  successfully  on  the 
social  plane  without  previous  practice.  All  the 
lesser  activities  of  the  individual  will  arrange 
themselves  around  the  spirit  which  has  become 
electrified  by  a  great  humanitarian  idea. 

One  cannot  imagine  Walt  Whitman,  once  he  had 
given  his  soul  to  democracy,  gulping  back  prejudices 
of  class  or  race  in  his  intercourse  with  men,  or 
stiffening  his  knees  if  he  happened  to  meet  a  king. 
Privileged  as  a  girl  to  know  something  of  that 
morning  star  of  American  feminism,  Frances  Willard, 
I  find  that  the  most  lasting  impression  of  her  is 
the  star-like  course  she  took.  She  was  not  troubled, 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

ever,  by  the  niceties  of  social  adjustment  that  dis- 
tract women  in  general,  by  what  she  should  think 
or  determine.  All  her  personality  fell  into  sim- 
plicity and  order  behind  her  single  flaming  pur- 
pose. But  between  the  great  souls  and  the  great 
occasions  there  are  long  plain  places  that  have 
to  be  filled  by  the  average  ability  of  people  to 
behave  citizenly,  on  no  compulsion  but  appre- 
ciation of  its  worth- whileness.  A  nation  that  has 
to  pull  its  officials  into  an  unfamiliar  frame  of 
mind  every  time  it  requires  a  public  service  is 
not  likely  to  be  very  well  served. 

When  we  try  to  assume  that  a  man's  stake  in 
the  nation,  the  world  and  the  future,  is  any  dif- 
ferent in  kind,  or  can  be  handled  in  any  other 
manner  than  his  stake  in  his  street,  his  town,  or 
in  the  industry  by  which  he  makes  his  living,  then 
we  open  the  way  to  make  politics  a  posture.  The 
public  stage  becomes  crowded  with  pasteboard 
figures,  precepts  that  are  not  practiced,  and  social 
aims  that  resolve  into  vague,  altruistic  flourishes. 

To  youth  with  its  passion  for  sincerity,  an  un- 
practiced  political  profession  is  as  empty  as  a  last 
year's  nest.  A  bomb  is  likely  to  seem  a  more  effec- 
tive thing  because  a  more  genuine  thing.  But  a 
bomb  may  just  as  quickly  become  the  gesture  of 
social  impotence,  unless  it  proceeds  out  of  a  prac- 
tical capacity  for  social  living.  The  whole  quest 

33 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

for  new  political  faiths  is  for  faiths  that  shall  be 
livable. 

It  is  one  of  the  necessities  of  political  in- 
sight that  it  must  lead  on  to  political  practice, 
otherwise  the  fine  edge  of  discrimination  is  dulled. 
The  prophet  of  the  people  who  cannot  from  time 
to  time  put  his  vision  to  the  test  of  fulfillment 
begins  presently  to  follow  wandering  lights.  If 
nations  could  surround  themselves  with  a  Chinese 
Wall  of  natural  or  acquired  limitation,  so  that  no 
other  social  state  could  be  thought  of,  they  would 
probably,  like  the  bees  and  the  Chinese,  be  able  to 
exist  indefinitely  in  a  fairly  stable  condition.  But 
the  moment  that  we  begin  to  think  of  society 
as  a  state  of  becoming,  we  are  involved  in  the  con- 
tinuous mobilization  of  social  behavior.  Not  to 
be  able  to  live  on  good  terms  with  discoverable 
political  tendencies  is  to  become  the  victim  of 
them.  *  That  was  how  Manuel  of  Portugal  lost 
his  kingdom,  and  Nicholas  of  Russia  his  throne. 

§ 

One  of  the  best  aids  to  political  elasticity  is  the 
proper  reading  of  history.  There  is,  however,  a 
very  practical  difficulty  in  getting  proper  history 
to  read.  Until  the  last  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  history  was  little  more  than  a  record 
of  the  sequence  of  events  in  time.  All  the  research 
of  the  historian  was  for  validity  of  date  and  episode. 

34 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

The  chief  inducement  offered  to  the  young  person 
to  read  history  is  the  story  interest,  the  flavor  of 
personality,  both  of  which  confuse  the  real  use  of 
history,  which  is  to  inform  and  advise.  The  im- 
mediate concern  of  youth  is  not  to  know  what 
emperors  died  or  made  die,  but  whether  there  is 
a  soul  in  life. 

In  the  story  of  human  development  is  there 
any  evidence  of  a  suprahuman  goal?  Is  there  any 
best  way  of  relating  people  to  the  land?  Has  the 
community  been  better  served  by  communal  or  by 
private  holdings?  Are  the  evils  of  industrialism 
due  to  intrinsic  defects  in  the  system,  or  a  bad 
way  of  handling  a  sound  method?  How  did  polyg- 
amy begin?  What  happened  to  the  nations  that 
institutionalized  it?  Is  monogamy  a  modern  in- 
vention, or  is  it  instinctive  in  human  nature?  Is 
the  choice  between  an  elective  chief  and  a  hereditary 
monarch  a  matter  of  racial  temperament,  or  of 
political  expedience? 

These  are  the  sort  of  questions  that  youth  im- 
peratively asks  of  history,  questions  that  cannot  be 
answered  by  a  chronological  arrangement  of  dynas- 
ties. The  answers  to  many  of  them  are  not  in  his- 
tory at  all,  but  in  the  sciences  of  biology  and  anthro- 
pology, which  are  rendered  nearly  useless  by  the 
patter  of  professional  scholarship.  It  is  possible  to 
find  a  dozen  books  dealing  with  the  wives  of  Henry 

35 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

the  Eighth,  or  the  favorites  of  the  Grand  Monarch, 
and  two  or  three  that  treat  of  sex  degeneracy,  where 
you  will  find  but  one  sound,  readable  history  of  hu- 
man marriage.  Immense  pains  have  been  taken  to 
preserve  for  us  the  pageantry  and  ritual  of  feudal- 
ism, but  I  know  of  no  simple  unbiased  book  about 
the  problem  of  land  ownership,  studied  with  a  view 
to  getting  society  housed  and  fed. 

Nevertheless,  the  material  for  valid  political  con- 
clusions does  lie  within  the  scope  of  past  experience, 
enough  of  it,  if  rightly  understood,  to  put  up  defi- 
nite, invincible  bars  against  the  "  things  no  nation 
will  do."  The  science  of  history  is  too  new  to  have 
yielded  all  the  aid  to  politics  that  may  yet  be  ex- 
pected of  it.  But  in  the  parallel  development  of 
modern  psychology  and  the  history  of  ideas,  we 
are  beginning  to  find  a  key  to  the  social  expression 
of  private  character. 

For  when  we  come  to  such  expression,  it  is  im- 
possible to  take  ourselves,  as  women,  exactly  as  the 
granting  of  the  franchise  finds  us.  The  private 
mind  as  well  as  the  political  organization  is  crowded 
with  old  fears,  old  repressions  and  still  more  ancient 
repulsions.  Every  propagandist  knows  how  long  a 
new  idea  may  drift  footless  after  its  acceptance  in 
reason  and  intelligence,  in  this  backwater  of  the 
public  mind. 

Men  and  women  both  are  disposed  to  give  to  the 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

age-long  continuance  of  custom  the  finality  of  natu- 
ral law,  and  to  warm  up  their  political  left-overs 
under  fine  names  of  consistency  and  loyalty.  But 
woman,  because  of  the  freshness  of  her  experience 
in  sluicing  out  the  accumulated  sex  prejudice  of  cen- 
turies, is  under  a  special  obligation  to  impose  on  po- 
litical progress  no  drag  out  of  her  own  past.  First 
and  freely,  she  must  give  herself  to  acquiring  the 
power  to  express  herself  in  social  affairs.  For  this 
there  is  no  better  help  than  history,  not  only  the  his- 
tory of  woman  and  her  place  in  the  great  procession, 
but  history  suffused  with  the  meaning  and  the  pur- 
pose of  the  hour. 

Some  kind  of  community  of  thinking  is  necessary 
to  valid  social  consent.  Probably  in  the  original  hu- 
man group,  ideas  flashed  directly  from  mind  to  mind. 
One  was  scared;  they  all  ran.  One  scented  food;  the 
rest  followed.  But  now  we  have  to  find  one  another 
through  the  loose  inadequacies  of  speech.  Classes, 
debates,  public  forums,  are  all  important,  not  only 
for  the  classification  of  ideas,  but  for  the  discrimina- 
tion of  political  definitions.  Social  ideals  take 
their  vitality  in  the  warmth  of  the  passage  from 
mind  to  mind. 

§ 

But  to  say  that  politics  must  be  discussed  in  the 
common  speech  is  only  another  way  of  saying  that 
it  must  be  discussed  in  terms  of  the  concrete  in- 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

stance.  If  it  is  a  policy  of  public  ownership,  it  must 
take  its  start  from  known  lands,  mines  and  waters; 
if  a  question  of  revenue,  for  what  use  and  how  ap- 
plied. Democracy  could  never  be  much  more  than 
a  theory  until  society  had  furnished  itself  with  a  re- 
liable medium  for  the  free  circulation  of  facts. 

If  this  seems  to  you  equivalent  to  saying  that 
democracy  is  impracticable  without  the  newspaper, 
it  is  quite  possibly  the  case.  One  might  go  even  fur- 
ther and  trace  some  of  the  most  regrettable  failures 
of  democracy  to  obvious  weakness  in  our  system  of 
disseminating  news.  But  one  would  still  have  to 
say  that,  bad  as  it  is,  the  Press  is  indispensable  to 
any  social  order  which  attempts  to  match  the  tech- 
nique of  living  with  the  facts  of  living  as  they  arise. 
The  ability  to  use  the  newspaper  as  an  aid  to  the 
making  of  political  decisions  is  as  necessary  as  the 
knowledge  of  how  to  use  the  railroad  guide  is  indis- 
pensable to  travel. 

One  thinks  of  the  ideal  news  sheet  as  an  imper- 
sonal medium  by  which  information  of  world  events 
is  delivered  at  the  door.  But  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
newspapers  never  are  impersonal.  The  right  to  estab- 
lish a  point  of  view  is  /the  toll  taken  by  the  proprie- 
tors as  part  of  their  profit  on  the  business  of  collect- 
ing and  transmitting  news.  This  makes  it  indispen- 
sable, in  order  to  read  a  paper  intelligently,  to  know 
what  its  viewpoint  is,  and  to  read  more  than  one 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

paper.  But  it  is  a  mistake  to  assume  that  the  per- 
sonalization of  news  is  invariably  a  violation  of  the 
reader's  right  to  formulate  his  own  opinion.  Point 
of  view  is  inseparable  from  individualism,  just  as 
community  of  view  is  the  natural  basis  of  group  as- 
sociation. So,  if  you  read  an  honest  Socialist  paper, 
or  a  Republican  paper,  you  can  reasonably  say  that 
you  have  come  into  touch  with  the  way  the  Social- 
ists or  the  Republicans  look  at  the  matter  in  hand. 
Thus  group  bias  in  a  newspaper  becomes  an  aid  to 
social  understanding.  The  truth  is  somewhere  at 
the  intersection  of  all  the  lines  of  vision  drawn  from 
the  known  centers  of  political  conviction. 

The  two  greatest  evils  of  the  American  news  sys- 
tem divide  equally  between  the  press  and  the  read- 
er. One  of  them  is  the  liability  of  prejudice  in  the 
citizen  who  reads  only  one  paper,  and  the  other  is 
the  coloring  of  the  news  in  the  interest  of  private 
profit. 

The  remedy  for  the  first  lies  in  the  broadening  of 
the  individual  intention.  Newspapers  are  not  to  be 
read  solely  for  diversion,  nor  for  the  confirmation 
of  the  personal  view.  Their  chief  claim  upon  our 
attention  is  in  the  diversity  of  views  that  they 
represent,  and  the  assault  they  are  able  to  make 
on  our  prejudices.  For  the  second,  the  remedy  may 
possibly  be  in  taking  the  newspapers  as  seriously  as 
we  take,  for  example,  the  milk  system,  making  the 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

adulteration  of  news  for  profit  a  punishable  offense. 
But  the  clamor  for  an  uncontaminated  stream  of 
information  must  extend  itself  equally  to  the  propa- 
ganda of  the  soap-box  and  the  rostrum.  The  whole 
problem  of  propaganda  is  bound  up  with  considera- 
tion of  private  initiative  in  the  philosophy  of  living, 
and  the  particular  problem  of  free  speech,  to  which 
we  shall  presently  come.  Propaganda  as  a  prepara- 
tion for  citizenship  is,  like  the  transmission  of  news, 
not  to  be  disassociated  from  the  use  we  are  able  to 
make  of  great  men. 

It  is  important  that  we  use  great  men  rather  than 
be  used  by  them.  Use,  not  capacity,  is  the  measure 
of  the  difference  between  such  historic  figures  as 
Jesus  and  Napoleon;  for  that  which  makes  of  Napo- 
leon at  once  the  most  absorbing  and  pathetic  figure 
in  history  is  his  enormous  capability,  and  the  fact 
that  the  only  use  that  we  can  now  make  of  him  is  as 
an  historic  warning.  Jesus  we  have  not  fully  known 
nor  understood,  but  he  is  still  the  Tree  up  which  we 
run  the  colors  of  our  ever  changing,  ever  fresh  ideal- 
ism. Great  men  are  the  catalyzers  of  social  experi- 
ence. By  them  potentiality  is  released  from  the  raw 
and  lumpy  actualities  of  the  day.  Political  insight, 
the  art  of  relating  facts  to  social  exigencies  as  they 
occur,  is  rare.  For  most  of  us,  before  they  can  be 
handled  at  all,  facts  must  be  fused  in  the  glow  of  a 
great  personality.  Socialism  is  associated  with  Karl 

40 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

Marx,  and  World  Democracy  glows  in  our  minds 
with  the  fires  struck  out  of  it  by  Woodrow  Wilson. 
The  demand  of  people  in  all  parts  of  the  country  to 
have  their  great  men  visit  them  is  an  expression  of 
our  continuous  need  to  have  the  issues  of  society  re- 
vitalized, valued  afresh. 

If  you  have  been  thinking  of  Democracy  as  a  state 
in  which  acute  accents  of  individualism  do  not  oc- 
cur, then  you  do  not  yet  know  the  dynamics  of  hu- 
man society.  Democracy  is  no  place  for  the  timid 
soul  who  cannot  bear  the  high  discriminations  of 
genius.  The  whole  theory  of  a  democratized  society  is 
that  it  gives  increasing  room  for  the  multiplication 
of  these  natural  energizing  centers. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  nature  and  use  of  great- 
ness is  indispensable  to  efficient  citizenship.  It 
should  make  also  for  what  we  have  never  yet  had,  a 
proper  use  and  understanding  of  great  women. 
Even  among  women  there  has  been  a  disposition  to 
regard  our  great  ones  as  a  mere  peacock  tail  to  the 
movement  of  emancipation,  valued  for  their  credit- 
ability  to  their  sex  and  the  consequent  advancement 
of  its  interests.  We  do  not  even  speak  of  them  as 
we  speak  of  great  men,  as  epitomizing  the  time  in 
which  they  lived,  but  as  though  they  themselves 
were  the  performance,  fire-works  rather  than  true 
centers  of  illumination. 

The  first  gift  of  woman  to  society  was  order,  some 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

kind  of  regularity  of  eating  and  coming  home  to 
sleep.  A  genius  for  organization  is  so  likely  a  thing 
to  come  from  woman  that  it  should  need  no  miracle 
to  have  it  accepted.  Yet  who  remembers  that  Joan 
of  Arc  invented  three  notable  modern  features  of 
military  organization  and  attack?  Our  whole  atten- 
tion is  taken  up  with  the  circumstance  that  she 
heard  Voices  and  was  burnt.  Perhaps  she  invented 
the  Voices,  too,  but  if  she  did,  she  was  justified.  How 
else  would  she  have  forced  her  military  genius  upon 
France? 

Great  women  must  be  more  than  wondered  at, 
more  than  admired.  But  first  of  all  they  must  be 
understood  as  women,  higher-powered,  deeper- 
breathing,  neither  mimics  nor  angels.  The  Amazons 
were  not  born  breastless. 

Is  not  the  detachment  from  the  social  back- 
ground which  notable  women  seem  to  exhibit  chief- 
ly our  failure  to  see  them  as  part  of  the  social  fab- 
ric? Is  it  not  we  who  are  out  of  touch,  and  is  not  all 
this  rather  pitiful  show  of  reputations,  in  an  effort  to 
match  with  the  notability  of  men,  evidence  that  we 
lack  the  criterion  for  any  but  male  kinds  of  great- 
ness? What  we  want  of  woman  is  the  beam  from 
her  own  orb  of  spiritual  perception,  the  definite  light 
thrown  on  our  general  problem  from  her  high  spe- 
cialization. 


IV 


THIS  demand,  that  the  young  citizen,  before  she 
begins  to  exercise  her  right  to  political  decision, 
shall  at  least  have  been  exposed  to  possibilities 
of  illumination  from  every  quarter  of  our  many- 
sided  social  life,  will  hardly  be  denied.  Yet  it  is 
singular  that  to  very  few  has  it  occurred  that  there 
is  a  fine  quality  of  illumination  to  be  had  for  the 
asking  in  contemporary  art. 

The  old  idea  of  political  science  as  a  process  of 
denaturing  government,  by  removing  it  as  far 
as  possible  from  the  business  of  making  a  living, 
had  no  use  for  art,  since  art  is,  of  all  man's  modes 
of  expression,  closest  to  the  heart  of  life.  The  modern 
intimacy  between  the  ballot  and  the  bread  and 
meat  you  can  buy,  and  the  rent  you  have  to  pay, 
introduces  politics  to  strange  company.  It  obliges 
us  not  only  to  know  what  laws  are  being  enacted 
at  the  capitol,  but  what  dreams  are  being  dreamed 
in  the  garret. 

But  when  we  speak  of  contemporary  art  as  an 
aid  to  citizenship,  we  mean  something  quite  dif- 
ferent fromr/the  cataloguing  acquaintance  with  it 
which  is  learned  at  schools;  something  much 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

more  than  the  common  phrase  of  "knowing  what 
you  like"  is  implied.  Merely  to  be  pleased  with 
an  arrangement  of  tones  and  colors  is  to  be  no 
nearer  to  art  than  a  waltzing  mouse  might  go, 
or  a  bower-bird.  Something  in  a  picture  or  a  song 
must  move  and  stir  you  to  a  realization  of  what 
it  was  that  moved  and  stirred  the  maker.  This 
is  all  there  is  to  an  understanding  of  art;  the  rest 
is  concerned  with  appreciations  of  artistry. 

There  is  no  doubt  a  cultural  value  in  liking  the 
best  art  without  being  able  to  read  it,  but  the 
social  value  of  art  is  in  our  being  able  to  make  it 
a  medium  of  communication.  This  means  that  one 
must  be  sufficiently  detached  from  the  sensuous 
pleasure  of  seeing  and  hearing,  to  appreciate  paint- 
ing and  poetry  and  music  as  a  method  of  com- 
munication. It  is  a  language  out  of  the  inner  life 
of  man,  of  which  everyone  may  stammer  a  word 
or  two  in  a  verse  to  your  lady's  eyebrow,  a  whittled 
fancy  or  an  embroidered  doily.  It  is  spoken  by 
the  paper  on  the  wall,  by  the  lines  of  a  public  build- 
ing, by  the  tunes  of  the  street  organ,  for  every 
tune  or  design  or  architectural  style  that  persists 
and  keeps  itself  in  modern  use  is  a  part  of  modern 
art  expression.  It  will  be  dropped  like  an  obsolete 
word  when  it  ceases  to  mean  anything  to  the  modern 
mind. 

The  recent  success  of  American  youth  in  creating 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

a  Little  Theater  for  itself  is  a  modern  episode  in  the 
search  of  youth  for  social  participation.  Art  is  a  surer 
test  than  logic  for  ideas  of  life  and  society.  No 
good  drama  can  be  made  with  insincere  thinking, 
and  without  truth  no  drama  achieves  greatness. 
The  uniformly  steady  improvement  in  the  product 
of  the  young  theater  is  an  indication  of  more  than 
a  practiced  technique;  it  marks  the  steady  approach 
of  the  young  playwright  to  that  high  veracity 
about  life  which  is  the  basis  of  sound  citizenship. 

Of  the  use  of  art  which  is  communal  in  its  method, 
chorus,  dance  and  pageant,  much  can  be  said. 
Modern  armies  have  song  masters — and  if  armies, 
how  much  more  the  civilian  forces — to  promote 
by  a  social  method  the  unity  of  aim  which  music 
always  invokes.  But  hardly  anybody  remembers 
now  that  poetry  was  originally  a  communal  art, 
and  that  in  the  beginning  there  was  but  one  word 
for  poet  and  prophet.  Out  of  such  roots  grows 
the  use  of  contemporary  art  as  an  aid  to  social 
prophecy.  It  is  the  index  of  progress  and  change, 
the  foaming,  rainbow-bright  crest  of  the  incoming 
tide. 

In  the  summer  of  1914  millions  of  plain  people 
found  themselves  astounded  at  the  sudden  crash 
of  nations  along  the  coasts  of  civilization.  But  all 
of  ten  years  earlier,  riffles  of  this  tide  began  to  break 
on  the  moving  tip  of  the  world's  art.  There  was 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

a  renaissance  of  community  drama,  and  a  whole 
new  method  for  its  presentation.  Painting  broke 
down  like  the  husk  of  the  living  seed  from  which  a 
new  shoot  begins  to  sprout.  Poetry  sought  and 
found  another  rhythm.  In  Russian  literature  there 
was  the  heaving  of  crude  strength  about  to  wake. 
Nothing  with  the  power  to  affect  the  political 
constitution  of  a  country  ever  arises  suddenly;  it 
only  appears  suddenly  within  the  average  field 
of  vision.  Half  of  the  statesman's  genius  consists 
in  being  able  to  discern  clearly  what  appears  to 
the  majority  as  a  pale  blur  on  the  horizon.  But 
in  America,  when  any  man  may  be  called  to  State 
service,  it  is  important  to  cultivate  rather  widely 
the  prophetic  quality.  The  education  of  this  faculty 
is  only  possible  where  a  great  number  of  citizens 
are  able  to  enter  into  the  history,  the  news  and 
the  art  of  that  country  as  a  part  of  the  experience 
of  democracy. 

§ 

But  we  cannot  escape  in  citizenship,  any  more 
than  in  personal  life,  the  question,  what  is  the 
limit  of  profitable  experience.  There  probably 
would  be  no  question  of  this  sort  in  a  society  that 
distributed  citizen  duty  along  the  line  of  natural 
development.  If  we  began  at  twelve  years  of  age 
to  have  obligations  to  our  neighborhood,  and 
extended  those  obligations  every  three  years  or  so, 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

as  our  actual  contact  with  the  street,  the  town, 
and  the  State  is  extended,  then  we  could  easily  say 
that  there  are  some  obligations  that  would  better 
be  deferred  until  our  moral  experience  is  fully  ma- 
tured. But  our  habit  of  taking  our  citizenship  all 
in  a  lump  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  raises  the  question 
of  what  to  do  about  the  problems  of  which,  in  the 
nature  of  things,  at  twenty-one  we  can  know  very 
little. 

At  twenty-one,  no  one  can  know  much  about 
vice  and  crime.  Even  a  criminal  life  does  not  teach, 
to  the  one  who  leads  it,  the  perspective  of  vice  and 
crime  in  society. 

I  think  that  we  must  make  a  distinction  here 
between  the  personal  and  the  political  judgment. 
At  twenty-one  and  before  it,  one  may  easily  be 
subjected  to  hazards  of  vice  and  crime  and  as 
much  knowledge  of  these  things  as  is  necessary  for 
personal  safety  is  indispensable.  How  far,  then, 
is  the  young  citizen  justified  in  recording  a  political 
opinion  on  these  subjects?  How  far  shall  she  give 
herself  to  books,  lectures  and  propaganda  dealing 
with  what  is  vicious  and  criminal? 

The  right  to  have  the  world  in  which  you  move 
made  safe  for  the  normal  human  life  is  one  that 
should  be  insisted  on.  After  arriving  at  the  age  of 
citizenship,  no  one  should  accept  safety  as  a  gift 
at  the  hands  of  others.  If  you  happen  to  be  so 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

situated  that  your  parents  can  keep  you  safe  with- 
out your  thinking  about  it,  it  is  still  obligatory  on 
you  to  think  with  and  for  those  who  must  make 
their  own  safety.  If  it  is  advantageous  for  you 
to  have  a  chaperone,  an  older  woman  with  whom 
to  consult  and  advise,  it  is  equally  advantageous 
to  the  girl  in  the  factory.  This  is  a  service  which 
every  adult  woman  who  is  able  to  offer  it,  owes 
to  every  young  woman  who  needs  it,  just  as  physical 
protection  is  owed  by  every  man  to  every  woman. 
Young  working  women  make  a  mistake  when  they 
do  not  demand  this  social  service  for  themselves, 
as  freely  and  officially  as  city  people  demand  police 
protection. 

We  have  come  recently  to  have  quite  a  new 
idea  of  policemen.  We  do  not  think  of  them  as  the 
"arm  of  the  law,"  but  as  guides  to  the  intricacies  of 
city  life.  So  we  have  developed  the  "big  brother" 
and  "big  sister"  ideas  as  guides  to  the  intricacies  of 
personal  life.  And  we  have  the  same  right  and 
necessity  to  go  to  literature  and  art  for  this  kind 
of  guidance. 

But  when  we  come  to  those  phases  of  vice  and 
crime  which  are  not  personal  but  social,  we  have 
to  approach  them  in  a  different  spirit.  The  only 
object  in  our  approaching  them  at  all  would  be 
to  cure  them.  For  vice  and  crime,  in  our  modern 
social  science,  are  treated  as  sickness.  They  are 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

departures  from  the  healthy  and  normal.  As  such, 
they  require  the  attention  of  specialists.  As  they 
affect  the  whole  of  society  they  must  be  dealt  with 
by  specialists  not  only  in  that  particular  type  of 
abnormality,  but  by  specialists  in  the  constitution 
of  society.  Expertness  in  these  things  takes  years 
to  acquire.  The  contribution  of  the  young  citizen 
can  hardly  be  of  much  value  and  should  be  offered 
with  modesty.  Citizen  service  in  this  field,  as  in  the 
field  of  public  health  and  sanitation,  is  rather  in 
the  way  of  selecting  specialists,  than  in  arriving 
at  decisions. 

§ 

But  the  question  of  what  we  shall  read  and  hear 
along  these  lines  opens  up  the  other  question  of 
free  speech.  The  difficulty  about  most  free  speech 
arguments  is  that  they  begin  by  assuming  that 
freedom  of  expression  is  the  only  sort  of  freedom 
that  can  be  violated  by  an  unrestricted  platform 
and  press.  They  leave  out  of  account  the  equally 
important  item  of  freedom  of  impression .  Most 
of  the  "free  speech"  cases  which  came  into  court 
in  the  United  States  before  the  war  were  not  for 
the  freedom  to  say  what  the  speaker  thought,  but 
for  freedom  to  say  it  anywhere  and  to  anybody. 
They  took  no  account  of  the  fact  that  an  envenomed 
point  of  view,  an  indecent  picture,  can  live  on  in 
the  mind  and  fester  there,  as  poisonous  and  fatal 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

as  a  bullet  in  the  body.  No  society  in  which  the 
impressionability  of  the  young  is  at  the  mercy  of 
the  ignorant  or  vicious  can  in  any  sense  be  said 
to  be  "free."  The  right  to  arrive  at  reasonable 
years  with  an  unviolated  mind  is  as  fundamental 
as  any  human  right  can  ever  be. 

Nor  is  there  anything  undemocratic  in  the  idea 
of  censorship.  Any  stranger  to  democracy,  visiting 
our  planet,  might  easily  conclude  that  a  democracy 
is  a  form  of  government  in  which  the  individual 
suffers  the  greatest  amount  of  restriction  for  the 
good  of  the  whole.  In  cities  of  the  United  States 
he  would  not  be  permitted  to  cross  the  street  without 
being  censored  by  the  traffic  officer;  he  could  not 
spit,  nor  smoke,  nor  dispose  of  his  garbage  as  he 
pleased.  He  could  not  beat  his  children  or  abuse 
his  wife — much  less  his  horse — or  manage  his 
own  illness  if  it  happened  to  be  from  a  contagious 
disease.  And  he  would  find  the  people  of  the  United 
States  not  only  submitting  themselves  to  this 
kind  of  censorship,  but  priding  themselves  upon  it. 

In  the  last  two  or  three  years  we  have  begun  to 
censor  the  almost  sacred  right  of  "business* 'to  sell 
anything  it  pleased  for  whatever  it  could  get.  We 
no  longer  permit  patent  medicines  to  be  advertised 
for  what  they  are  not,  and  we  require  foods  to  be 
truthfully  labeled.  Doctors  are  obliged  to  have 
diplomas  and  teachers  must  be  certificated.  But 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

we  are  still  very  reluctant  to  require  any  certifica- 
tion of  ideas.  We  have  not  yet  accepted  the  idea 
of  the  expert  in  human  behavior. 

The  growth  of  censorship  in  sanitation  and  food 
stuffs  is  the  measure  of  our  confidence  in  experts  in 
these  fields.  Every  man  cannot  be  a  food  expert,  but 
he  clearly  recognizes  that  there  is  such  a  thing  as 
expert  analysis  of  tinned  beef  or  alleged  apple  jelly. 
He  recognizes  it  as  one  of  the  things  he  has  a  right 
to  expect  of  his  government,  that  it  should  protect 
his  interest  in  foods  and  drugs.  But  he  protests 
against  the  extension  of  this  kind  of  supervision 
over  the  material  from  which  l\e  makes  up  his 
opinions. 

There  are  two  good  reasons  for  this:  first,  the 
danger  that  censorship  of  thought-stuff  may  not  be 
disinterested;  and  second,  the  probability  of  its 
not  being  expert.  Many  people — and  in  particular 
the  free  speech  advocates — are  quite  honest  in 
believing  that  there  is  no  absolute  criterion  of  human 
conduct.  This  is  very  unlikely  to  be  the  case.  It 
is  impossible  to  think  of  a  hole  in  the  universe,  and 
if  human  conduct  does  not  proceed  by  law  as  the 
rest  of  the  universe  does,  then  there  is  a  flaw  in 
the  structure  of  things  which  will  one  day  bring 
it  all  crashing  about  us. 

The  probabilities  are  that  morality  and  success 
are  as  solid  and  realizable  as  anything  else;  the 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

difficulty  lies  in  our  not  understanding  just  what 
morality  and  success  really  are.  Because  we  have 
not  agreed  as  to  what  they  are,  we  must  leave  open 
every  avenue,  miss  no  possible  Tightness  even  at 
the  expense  of  including  things  that  turn  out  finally 
to  be  wrong.  Free  speech  is  not  a  right;  it  is  a 
precaution.  You  have  really  no  more  right  to  turn 
loose  a  bad  idea  in  the  world  than  you  have  to  leave 
an  open  cess-pool;  but  until  expertness  in  ideas 
is  established,  you  have  the  privilege  of  speech, 
subject  to  other  people's  freedom  of  impression. 


The  question  of  war  censorship  has  two  aspects, 
neither  one  of  which  has  anything  to  do  with  ren- 
dering aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy.  Suppressing 
military  information  is  not  a  political  policy  at  all; 
it  is  an  act  of  self-preservation. 

The  decision  to  enter  this  war  was  arrived  at  after 
long  hesitation.  It  represents  our  highest  moment 
of  world  thinking  and  national  feeling.  But  people 
do  not  always  live  at  their  high  moments.  In  a  sit- 
uation like  this  we  are  always  more  in  danger  of 
being  defeated  by  our  own  drops  and  lapses  than 
by  the  enemy.  To  have  our  worst  moments  always 
before  our  eyes,  our  mistakes  emphasized,  to  chew 
always  on  the  bitter  end  of  war,  would  be  to  invite 
defeat.  We  must  exercise  over  our  public  conduct 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

something  like  the  same  control  that  is  necessary  to 
secure  personal  poise.  .We  expected  some  jolts  in 
this  war;  what  we  must  look  out  for  is  that  we  shall 
not  be  jolted  silly. 

We  were  also  due  to  make  mistakes  which  we 
cannot  correct  without  discussion.  These  things 
are  perfectly  simple  if  we  would  consent  to  be 
simple.  If  we  stopped  talking  about  free  speech 
as  an  abstract  right,  and  looked  upon  it  as  a  way  of 
getting  along  decently  with  ourselves,  we  should 
have  much  less  difficulty. 

It  is  astonishing  to  find  how  many  things  that  we 
have  raised  to  the  dignity  of  political  theory  are  real- 
ly only  questions  of  good  breeding.  Good  breeding 
is  the  sum  of  human  experience  as  to  the  best  way 
of  handling  human  situations.  It  is  the  practice  of 
the  art  of  conducting  every  situation  so  that 
everybody  concerned  in  it  will  get  the  best  out  of 
that  situation. 

If  our  political  practices  had  not  been  made  for 
us  exclusively  by  men,  we  should  have  found  this  out 
long  ago.  Men  think  of  good  breeding  as  manners; 
women  know  it  for  a  manner  of  attaining  spiritual 
democracy.  If  we  practiced  good  breeding  in  our 
speaking  and  writing,  then  no  criticism  of  the  Gov- 
ernment would  be  made  except  by  people  who  were 
expert  in  the  matter  under  discussion,  and  every 
criticism  would  be  made  constructive.  We  should 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

not  only  be  told  that  the  thing  had  been  done 
wrong,  but  we  should  have  some  notion  of  how  to 
do  it  right.  And  if  it  came  to  a  difference  be- 
tween experts,  that  at  least  would  not  be  a  new  situ- 
ation ! 

I  believe  that  the  American  people  could,  in  the 
long  run,  have  been  trusted  to  do  just  that  thing,  ex- 
cept for  the  presence  among  us,  not  only  of  un- 
American  elements,  but  of  enemies.  This  un-Amer- 
ican and  enemy  propaganda  is  so  subtle  that  the 
average  citizen  is  not  always  able  to  recognize  it. 
Just  as  we  need  a  food  expert  to  find  the  adultera- 
tion in  the  tomato  catsup,  so  we  need  expert  censor- 
ship to  detect  the  poison  in  our  publicity.  So  much 
we  might  thankfully  submit  to. 

But  the  moment  censorship  departs  ever  so  slight- 
ly from  its  business  of  informing  the  people,  and  be- 
gins to  present  facts  and  situations  only  in  lights 
which  are  favorable  to  the  party  in  power,  then  no 
matter  how  competent  that  government  is,  and  how 
much  it  has  the  confidence  of  the  people,  it  begins 
to  infringe  on  democracy.  Because  democracy  does 
not  mean  that  any  man's  opinion  is  just  as  good  as 
another's.  It  means  that  it  is  just  as  good  for  one 
man  as  for  another  to  express  his  opinion.  Better 
for  a  man  to  express  an  honestly  mistaken  opinion 
than  to  have  a  ready-made  good  opinion  forced  upon 
him.  Democracy  may  be  wrong  about  this,  but  it  is 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

founded  on  the  faith  that  a  better  kind  of  man  is 
produced  by  free  thinking. 

That  is  why  it  seems  unfortunate  that  so  much  of 
war  publicity  should  take  the  form  of  advertising. 
The  necessary  handling  of  public  thinking  has  been 
approached  as  a  business  proposition.  I  do  not 
mean  with  an  idea  of  making  money  by  it,  but  in 
the  spirit  and  in  the  very  terms  of  the  commercial 
advertisers.  War  aims  are  set  forth  in  the  manner 
of  breakfast  foods;  war  needs  are  driven  along  the 
familiar  track  worn  deep  into  the  American  mind  by 
the  spring  tonic  and  the  talking-machine.  "Drives" 
are  substituted  for  spontaneous  movements,  and  the 
minds  of  the  public  are  shepherded  rather  than  in- 
spired. The  object  of  commercial  advertising  is 
to  "sell  the  goods"  without  thinking  very  much 
about  what  happens  to  the  buyer  in  the  process.  If 
commercial  forms  of  propaganda  are  necessary  to 
swing  the  country  into  war,  then  it  is  because  as  a 
people  we  respond  more  quickly  to  advertising  than 
to  any  other  stimulus. 

This  is  a  very  damaging  confession.  It  is  the 
same  as  saying  that  the  incentive  to  high  and  noble 
and  world-embracing  activities  is  not  inside  of  us, 
but  outside.  But  it  is  only  fair  to  state  this  as  some- 
thing that  met  practically  no  opposition  from  the 
American  people.  The  suppression  of  opinion 
thought  to  be  unfriendly  to  our  and  Allied  interests, 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

has  been  practically  voluntary.  Writers  have  ceased 
to  write  what  was  in  their  souls,  and  write  what  is 
asked  for  by  Washington.  For  the  time,  at  least, 
the  soul  of  the  American  people  lies  limp  in  the 
hands  of  its  Government. 

The  danger  for  us  in  this  situation  is  not  imme- 
diate. The  high  purpose  and  disinterestedness  of 
the  present  Administration  and  its  general  agree- 
ment with  the  purposes  and  desires  of  the  people, 
are  notable  in  a  world  of  disagreements.  The  dan- 
ger is  that  in  submitting  ourselves  too  long  to  shep- 
herding, we  shall  lose  our  power  of  spiritual  initia- 
tive. That  is  the  horrible  thing  that  has  happened 
to  the  Germans,  the  worst  atrocity  of  the  war. 
They  have  no  freedom  of  impression.  Their  minds 
are  blown  hot  or  cold  by  the  breath  of  their  govern- 
ment. 

That  we  have  not  reached  anything  like  this  stage 
in  America  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  important 
groups  of  citizens  did  not,  until  nearly  a  year  after 
the  declaration  of  war,  vote  to  support  it.  These 
groups  kept  their  liberty  of  impression,  kept  it  all 
the  clearer,  perhaps,  for  not  being  permitted  to  vex 
the  Government  with  a  loud  noise  of  expression. 

Free  speech  has  its  own  dangers,  one  of  them 
being  the  disposition  of  mankind  to  follow  its  own 
voice  instead  of  its  instinct.  Nations  have  before 
now  been  carried  over  precipices  on  the  torrent  of 

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their  own  oratory.  We  shall  do  well  enough  in 
America  by  leaving  off  the  habit  of  unlimited  speech- 
making  so  long  as  too  much  is  not  done  to  affect  our 
capacity  for  free  thinking.  So  long  as  our  official 
Head  is  the  voice  of  the  public  spirit,  he  will  be 
heard  further  by  keeping  smaller  voices  silent.  The 
disastrous  thing  would  be  for  us  to  become  simply 
the  bell  to  our  official  clapper. 


PUBLIC  spirit,  the  extension  of  social  awareness 
to  include  all  the  members  of  a  political  group,  is 
the  purchase  of  time  and  pains.  We  have  still  among 
us  a  few  of  the  old  type  of  public  characters  who 
imagine  public  spirit  to  consist  in  a  diffused  senti- 
ment of  benevolence  carried  abroad  on  the  wings 
of  oratory.  And  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  young 
people  devoting  themselves  to  public-spiritedness 
as  a  profession,  by  years  of  social  service  and  attend- 
ance on  classes  where  its  theory  is  discussed. 

The  practical  foundation  of  social  awareness 
would  seem  to  be  established  by  wide  social  con- 
tacts. But  there  must  also  be  a  quality  of  mind 
involved,  since  nowhere  have  we  a  civilized  state 
or  nation  equally  conscious  of  all  its  elements. 
When,  for  example,  the  fabric  of  awareness  is 
stretched  to  take  in  on  the  one  side  the  congenitally 
defective,  it  falls  short  on  the  other,  of  full  considera- 
tion for  the  exceptionally  gifted.  We  have  schools 
for  backward  children  and  cripples  but  none  for 
geniuses.  In  an  American  Indian  tribe,  in  times 
of  food  shortage,  the  very  old  are  first  dropped  out 
of  the  count,  then  the  infirm  and  the  unproductive. 

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These  are  the  classes  for  which  the  American  State 
provides  well-kept  institutions  and  asylums.  But 
in  all  our  great  cities  sound  and  well-born  children 
are  stunted  of  their  growth,  and  even  die  for  lack  of 
food.  The  Indian,  however,  has  the  advantage 
of  having  all  the  members  of  his  group  within  his 
ken.  He  discriminates  on  the  basis  of  personal 
knowledge.  In  the  civilized  state  of  today  the 
complication  of  group  within  group,  and  the  multi- 
plication of  modes  of  living  is  such  that  the  average 
mind  cannot  take  it  in.  The  effective  classes,  those 
who  are  removed  a  little  from  the  bone  of  hunger, 
provide  for  the  contingencies  within  their  experience. 
They  are  as  likely  as  anybody  to  have  infirm  and 
defective  members,  and  themselves  to  need  pro- 
tection from  the  criminal  and  the  insane. 

But  strikes,  fines,  forced  unemployment,  in- 
jurious trades,  continuous  food  shortage,  are  prac- 
tically outside  their  experience.  Even  when  in 
times  of  war  or  great  natural  disaster  the  two 
extremes  of  society  through  their  mutual  dependence 
tend  to  cohere,  the  movement  is  exclusive  rather 
than  inclusive,  labor  and  capital  combining  against 
the  middle  classes.  As  if  the  ability  to  be  fully 
aware  of  fashions  of  living  different  from  our  own 
were  naturally  limited  like  the  mathematical  faculty, 
and  the  search  for  a  political  common  denominator 
as  complicated  a  performance  as  trying  to  extract 

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the  cube  root  of  three  thousand  and  eighty-seven 
in  your  head.  Just  as  there  are  tribes  who  can 
count  only  ten  fingers  and  ten  toes  and  possible 
tens  of  these,  so  there  are  social  groups  that  can 
take  in  nothing  not  related  to  the  body  of  their 
experience. 

The  limitation  of  the  social  outlook  by  a  four- 
thousand-year-old  food  prejudice,  or  the  things  a 
gentleman  will  not  say  in  the  presence  of  a  lady, 
is  one  of  the  curiosities  of  human  psychology.  But 
the  whole  modern  technique  of  social  welfare  has 
grown  up  out  of  the  realization  that  people  are 
more  divided  by  these  things  than  by  any  hostile 
intention.  In  this  new  science  of  welfare  it  is  assumed 
that  there  is  a  rectifying  principle  in  the  human 
spirit.  The  disposition  to  save  ourselves  from 
political  disaster  is  as  natural  as  the  instinct  of 
self-preservation,  and  the  cure  of  social  evil  is  often 
effected  simply  by  bringing  the  evil  condition  into 
the  field  of  social  awareness.  If  one  really  wishes 
to  stop  the  wearing  of  breasts  and  wings  on  ladies' 
hats,  it  is  only  necessary  to  contrive  that  a  few 
birds  shall  be  publicly  slaughtered,  preferably  by 
the  ladies !  To  insure  the  best  conditions  for  factory 
workers,  we  have  to  materialize  for  the  factory 
owner  the  direct  structural  relation  between  light 
and  air  and  the  factory  output. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  the  entire  problem  of 

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society's  never  having  food  enough,  or  clothes 
enough,  or  adequate  housing,  is  owing  more  to 
our  failure  to  realize  that  this  is  the  case,  than  to 
any  inadequacy  of  production.  The  moment  we 
begin  to  have  enough  of  these  things  for  ourselves, 
we  move,  sympathetically  as  well  as  bodily,  out 
of  the  neighborhood  of  perpetual  lack.  Any  reliable 
diagnosis  of  poverty  depends  on  our  being  able 
to  move,  sympathetically,  back.  The  social  expert 
is  now  a  feature  of  our  political  life.  But  even  to 
appreciate  the  conclusions  of  experts  and  to  dis- 
criminate between  their  recommendations,  it  is 
important  for  the  private  citizen  to  have  a  wide 
acquaintance  with  living  conditions. 

At  the  very  least,  this  involves  the  personal 
exploration  of  some  other  manner  of  life  than  your 
own.  This  is  not  easy  for  women  who,  through  the 
long  inheritance  of  ladyhood,  conditioned  largely 
by  the  number  of  things  they  might  not  do,  are 
predisposed  to  selected  experience.  Though  we 
officially  repudiate  it  by  giving  women  the  vote,  the 
idea  that  a  woman's  value  to  society  is  increased 
by  limiting  her  social  experience  to  soft  and  pleasant 
phases  is  unconsciously  a  factor  in  the  training  of 
young  women. 

An  ideal  state  would  no  doubt  recognize  the  need 
of  social  experience  as  a  part  of  legitimate  prepara- 
tion for  citizenship.  One  can  imagine  such  a  thing 

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as  a  young  citizen  draft,  working  out  its  traditional 
three  years  in  public  service  chosen  to  give  the 
greatest  possible  range  of  awareness.  As  a  sub- 
stitute for  citizen  training,  the  opportunities  offered 
by  the  settlement  house,  the  Young  Women's  Chris- 
tian Association,  the  Women's  Trade  Union  League, 
reinforced  by  all  manner  of  neighborhood  associations 
and  local  welfare  clubs,  seems  meager  enough. 
Yet  all  of  them  are  important  in  so  far  as  they 
provide  openings  for  entering  without  affectation 
into  view-points  other  than  our  own.  They  have 
come  to  be  recognized  centers  of  awareness  from 
which  are  drawn  inescapable  conclusions  as  to 
what  it  really  means  to  the  rest  of  us  to  have  any 
considerable  class  of  citizens  with  never  quite 
enough  to  eat,  and  sleeping  four  in  a  bed.  To  be 
acquainted  at  first  hand  with  poverty,  to  measure 
the  industrial  out-look  with  our  own  breast  and 
arm,  is  inseparable  from  any  well  thought  out 
preparation  for  citizenship. 

§ 

It  is  unfortunate  that  in  America  we  have  gener- 
ally cut  ourselves  off  from  the  use  of  the  novel  as 
an  aid  to  social  extension,  by  declining  to  like  any 
sort  of  fiction  that  does  not  take  its  color  from  our 
own  point  of  view.  Within  a  generation  of  Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin,  which  went  so  far  to  prove  that  fiction 
is  the  only  form  of  statement  which  carries  con- 

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viction  widely  and  long,  we  have  abandoned  the 
idea  of  literature  as  a  source  and  expression  of 
social  vitality.  It  is  all  part  of  our  American  use 
of  art  as  an  anodyne  rather  than  a  tonic,  a  camou- 
flage of  reality.  A  good  novel  that  can  be  entered 
into  as  an  experience  is  worth  a  year  of  such  social 
experiment  as  is  open  to  the  average  private  citizen. 
But  good  novels  will  be  rare  so  long  as  what  we 
definitely  require  of  the  novelist  is  to  come  between 
us  and  experience,  a  soundless,  deadening  drift. 
It  is  one  of  our  literary  conventions  that  the  novel 
of  today  be  occupied  with  the  rosy  gospel  of  cheer; 
but  there  is  always  the  suspicion  attached  to  de- 
liberate cheeriness,  that  it  is  a  sort  of  whistling  to 
keep  your  courage  up.  One  suspects,  indeed,  that 
the  prevalence  of  the  "glad"  school  of  fiction  in 
America  is  owing  to  an  uneasy  sense  that  if  we 
once  looked  straight  into  the  reality  of  contempo- 
raneous life,  we  might  have  to  do  something  about 
it.  This  is  so  likely  to  be  the  case,  that  the  degree 
to  which  you  find  the  rose-red  glow  indispensable 
to  your  enjoyment  of  fiction  may  well  serve  as  a 
criterion  of  your  social  state.  Whether  or  not  you 
have  the  opportunity  and  the  keenness  of  sight 
to  look  through  the  inadequacies  of  political  organ- 
ization into  the  plain  human  situation,  it  is  im- 
portant that  you  should,  at  least,  not  fear  to  look. 
If  you  find  yourself  flinching  from  any  logical 

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conclusion  of  the  policies  you  profess,  depend  upon 
it,  either  you  or  your  conclusion  is  unsound. 

§ 

Feeling  out  your  private  reaction  to  living  condi- 
tions, by  whatever  method,  is  an  indispensable 
preface  to  the  choice  of  political  affiliations.  All 
along  the  front  of  civilization  innumerable  tiny 
wavelets  run  up  the  coast  of  the  future  and  are 
drawn  back  into  the  advancing  tide.  "Parties," 
"movements,"  "causes,"  are  all  rooted  in  the  social 
nature  of  man.  It  is  said  that  no  astronomer  is 
sure  that  he  has  seen  a  new  star  until  it  has  been 
located  by  some  other  observer  of  the  heavens. 
There  is  probably  more  in  this  than  just  the  need 
of  professional  confirmation.  The  concentrated, 
electrified  attention  of  very  many  minds  is  neces- 
sary to  bring  a  new  political  ideal  into  the  field  of 
political  action.  For  new  ideals  are  like  the  tree 
of  the  old  story,  so  tall  that  it  takes  two  men  to 
see  to  the  top.  No  movement  worthy  of  the  unified 
effort  of  society  can  ever  lie  wholly  within  the  range 
even  of  a  single  generation. 

It  is  important  to  all-round  citizenship  that 
you  lend  yourself  to  other  causes  than  those  that 
take  light  from  your  daily  life.  To  work  only  for  and 
within  the  group  closest  to  your  private  interests 
is  to  foster  class  interests  and  class  point  of  view. 
One  of  the  best  ways  of  enlarging  your  social  horizon 

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is  to  give  yourself  heartily  to  some  movement 
which  is  only  related  to  you  through  your  interest 
in  the  good  of  the  whole.  The  best  criterion  of 
your  choice  of  a  cause  would  be  the  contribution 
you  have  to  make  to  that  cause  rather  than  the 
personal  benefit  to  be  derived.  Only  the  Unusual 
individual  can  afford  to  give  the  whole  of  his  life 
and  thought  to  one  political  purpose,  or  to  one 
expression  of  it.  There  is,  of  course,  the  alternative 
of  making  no  choice  at  all,  waiting  to  be  dragged 
up  the  shore  by  some  deep  ploughing  billow  of 
revolution,  along  with  an  uncomfortable  amount 
of  weed  and  sand.  Except  that  the  will  of  youth  is 
naturally  toward  self-determining  activity,  there 
would  always  be  this  danger  in  democracies. 

The  test  of  the  validity  of  any  political  move- 
ment is  in  its  conformity  to  life,  to  the  principle 
of  growth,  and  change.  It  must  have  roots.  At 
the  very  first  bid  for  our  franchise,  it  must  show  a 
fruit-bearing  stem  and  a  growing  tip  which  pushes 
aside  the  clod  and  turns  every  way  for  warmth  and 
light.  At  the  next,  it  must  be  able  to  present  itself 
as  an  extension  of  something  already  in  the  social 
consciousness.  It  may  call  for  an  absolutely  untried 
experiment,  it  may  even  involve  the  overthrow  of 
long  established  modes  of  expression,  but  its  fibers 
must  be  discoverable  centuries  deep  in  our  psychol- 
ogy. With  whatever  change  of  political  perspective, 

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THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

the  new  movement  must  carry  us,  in  an  ascending 
order,  to  a  given  arc  of  the  social  spiral. 

The  movement  of  wage  labor  toward  profit- 
sharing,  for  instance,  has  all  the  marks  of  a  genu- 
ine political  progression.  It  is  rooted  in  the  primitive 
communism  of  the  hunt;  it  is  a  re-statement  of 
the  ancient  land  and  sea-faring  foray  with  its 
equitable  division  of  the  spoil;  it  incorporates  the 
best  elements  of  the  trade  guilds,  the  dignity  of 
trade  and  the  pride  of  workmanship  which  our 
modern  industrial  system  has  so  nearly  lost.  Finally, 
it  represents,  in  all  its  circuitous  phases,  a  general 
improvement  in  the  rating  and  environment  of 
labor.  It  may  not  be  the  best  way  of  solving  the 
problem  of  modern  industry,  it  may  even  bring 
in  its  train  other  problems  not  less  acute  and  dis- 
turbing, but  it  is  at  least  a  valid  political  adventure, 
to  which  the  sincere  soul  may  commit  its  enthu- 
siasm without  fear  that  time  and  the  future  will 
prove  him  foolish. 

Even  more  could  be  said  for  the  movement  to 
endow  maternity,  which  develops  in  mothers'  al- 
lowances and  dependent  children  acts,  as  a  practical 
renewal  of  the  ancient  tribal  rule  of  "women  and 
children  first,"  a  re-statement  of  the  preciousness  of 
women  in  terms  of  social  service.  Far  less  charged 
with  possibility  of  absurdity,  it  is  the  modern  fruit 
of  all  the  fine,  vague  things  that  prompted  men  to 

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chivalry  and  mother-worship,  the  cult  of  Demeter 
and  the  Madonna. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  movement  toward  polyg- 
amy discernible  in  Central  Europe,  condemns  itself 
on  the  same  sort  of  showing.  Even  accepting  the 
theory  of  the  development  of  society  from  the 
formless  herd,  and  making  the  family  unit  the  second 
rather  than  the  first  phase  of  social  life,  the  ascend- 
ing progression  has  invariably  been  away  from 
polygamy.  Where  it  has  re-entered  the  social  scene, 
it  has  been  at  periods  of  the  greatest  national 
depletion.  After  war,  polygamy  has  been  accepted 
as  an  expedient  by  the  dominant  races,  but  never 
as  a  solution.  All  the  forward  nations  have  experi- 
enced it  at  some  time  in  their  history,  only  to  discard 
it  upon  recovery  of  the  equilibrium  of  population. 
Always  its  reappearance  has  been  followed  by  the 
depression  of  human  values,  the  lessening  of  the 
dignity  of  womanhood  and  the  retention  in  the 
national  organization  of  slavery  or  slave-making 
caste.  The  nations  that  have  institutionalized 
polygamy  are  the  nations  that  have  lost  step. 

§ 

This  is  what  we  mean  by  the  use  of  history  as 
an  aid  to  political  decision.  It  is  in  the  nature  of 
any  living  issue  that,  like  life,  it  should  possess 
great  flexibility.  Any  movement  which  has  for  its 
objective  a  shape  of  social  fixity,  may  be  regarded 

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with  liberal  distrust.  Any  movement  which  assumes 
that  it  is  the  "be  all  and  end  all"  of  social  unrest 
advertises  itself  as  a  point  beyond  which  no  growth 
takes  place.  Though  it  may,  in  spite  of  all  its 
followers  say  of  it,  be  a  live  issue,  the  blind  leading 
the  blind  are  not  more  likely  to  fall  into  the  ditch 
than  the  advocates  of  an  absolute  social  solution. 
This  dream  of  a  stabilized  society  is  the  ghost  of 
man's  ancient  fear,  when  he  woke  first  out  of  com- 
fortable animal  security,  and  found  the  future, 
terrible  with  the  threat  of  unknowability,  beside 
him.  To  get  the  place  tidied  up,  everything  named 
and  rendered  solid  and  stationary,  has  been,  ever 
since,  his  urgent  and  unsuccessful  business.  Like 
the  sheep,  man  has  taken  on  from  his  first  venture 
in  life,  associations  of  stability.  To  this  day,  lost 
sheep  in  the  mountains  will  travel  until  they  find 
a  cliff  or  a  boulder  which  quickens  the  old  complex 
bred  in  them  in  the  stone  caves  where  man  first 
domesticated  them  some  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  years  ago,  and  there  they  will  linger  in 
the  false  association  of  security  until  hunger  or 
the  wolf  finds  them.  So,  to  this  day,  little  flocks 
of  men  are  always  splitting  off  from  the  main 
group  into  rock-hard  enclosures  of  the  absolute. 
All  the  coast  of  progress  is  lined  with  back-waters 
of  political  invention,  sometimes  under  the  name 
of  religion  and  sometimes  of  social  polity,  mantling 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

with  the  scum  of  oblivion  at  best,  and  at  the 
worst,  breeding  noxious  insects  and  pestilence. 

But  in  avoiding  movements  that  seek  an  im- 
possible permanence  of  form,  one  must  not  fall 
into  the  error  of  attaching  importance  to  mere 
formlessness.  The  tendency  of  natural  growth 
is  always  toward  form,  but  form  without  fixity, 
the  flowing  shape  of  a  fountain,  of  an  elm  tree, 
infinitely  variable  and  airy  and  recognizable.  The 
beauty  of  the  flower  or  the  frost  on  the  pane  is  the 
beauty  of  order  and  organization;  losing  that,  they 
become  mist  and  dust  again. 

The  natural  method  of  outworn  social  habits 
is  to  wither  and  drop  away  like  last  year's  leaves. 
But  in  complicated  civilizations  like  ours,  custom 
may  be  so  woven  into  the  texture  of  law  and  prop- 
erty that  skillful  pruning  is  necessary  to  develop- 
ment. The  difference  between  upward  evolution 
and  social  disintegration  is  that  the  latter  produces 
no  form  or  order.  The  social  impulse  is  creative, 
like  the  impulse  of  architecture  and  music;  it  moves 
always  to  build  and  rebuild.  The  whole  art  of 
statesmanship  is  in  the  choice  of  forms  in  advance 
of  the  national  need. 

§ 

If  all  or  any  of  these  things  are  too  hard  for  you, 
there  is  the  final  resort  of  selecting  your  cause  by 
the  quality  of  its  adherents.  Not  that  you  will  not 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

always  find  undesirable  kinds,  the  fragmentary  and 
footless,  carried  like  weed  upon  the  tide;  but  it 
is  important  that  there  should  be  some  doers  among 
them. 

Political  policies  of  national  magnitude  cannot 
be  illustrated  by  one  or  two  or  even  a  hundred  of 
their  followers,  and  yet  their  practicability  needs 
continually  to  be  attested.  Talk  disassociated  from 
accomplishment  limpens  the  fiber  of  the  mind. 
That  is  why  professional  agitators,  pushed  into 
executive  positions,  are  so  invariably  disappointing, 
and  in  their  private  capacities  not  always  reliable. 
Their  very  trumpet  quality,  sounding  high  and 
enduring  things  at  times,  lays  them  open  to  be 
played  upon  by  other  aims  than  the  betterment 
of  society.  Like  a  public  drinking-cup,  it  is  possible 
for  the  professional  agitator  to  carry  at  the  same 
time,  fresh  water  and  contamination.  Distrust  any 
cause  that  does  not  attract  doers,  people  with 
acknowledged  mastery  in  the  technique  of  realizing 
a  political  theory  in  terms  of  daily  life.  No 
matter  who  bark  for  or  against  it,  there  is  probably 
some  meat  in  any  subject  in  which  a  man  like 
Theodore  Roosevelt  sets  the  teeth  of  his  mind. 

Few  things  are  more  important  than  this  busi- 
ness of  finding  and  keeping  a  sense  of  social  direction. 
Something  a  little  finer  than  intelligence  goes  to 
its  attainment,  but  intelligence  must  do  its  best. 

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Rare  souls  like  Abraham  Lincoln  are  born  to  it, 
fully  oriented.  But  for  the  most  of  people  it  comes 
stealing  insensibly,  out  of  the  use  of  history  and 
great  men  and  the  touch-and-go  of  current  events. 
When  we  say  of  national  crises  that  they  are"steady- 
ing,"  we  mean  no  more  than  that  under  the  pressure 
of  disaster  the  needle  swings  instinctive  to  its 
pole.  We  cease  to  argue,  for  the  moment,  whether 
there  is  a  soul  of  life;  we  feel  and  know. 

What  we  know  has  been  expressed  for  us  with 
a  singular  unanimity  of  terms  by  many  whose 
distinction  it  has  been  to  possess  this  poise  and 
sureness.  They  call  it  co-operation  with  God. 
That  was  how  Lincoln  knew  it.  Carlyle  drew  the 
certainty  of  Power  and  Personality,  active  and 
interested  in  the  affairs  of  men,  out  of  history,  and 
he  was  a  very  prophet  among  historians.  H.  G. 
Wells,  who  more  than  any  other  writer  has  handled 
the  furniture  of  modern  politics,  and  handled  it 
more  freely,  discovers  an  Invisible  King,  much  as 
one  realizes  the  master  of  the  house  from  living 
in  his  rooms. 

But  it  is  unimportant  what  the  thing  is  called; 
unimportant  whether  you  like  it  or  find  it  friendly 
to  the  survival  of  your  type.  The  significant  item 
is  that  great  men  and  great  times  have  always 
come  to  this  sense  of  God  standing  within  the 
shadow  of  the  future  and  directing  the  course  of 

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events.  This  is  not  a  figure  of  speech,  but  an  ex- 
pression of  reality  in  human  experience.  The  worst 
politics  the  world  has  ever  known  came  at  a  time 
when  we  thought  of  God  not  as  present  in  the 
affairs  of  men,  but  afar  off  in  some  barely  attain- 
able Heaven.  It  is  a  question  if  politics  are  ever 
so  much  concerned  with  things  of  the  intelligence 
and  what  we  call  material  considerations,  as  with 
that  other  most  subtle  class  of  experiences  known 
as  spiritual  perceptions,  the  conviction  of  things 
not  seen.  At  any  rate,  men  have  not  found  any 
finer  cause  to  die  for  than  politics,  for  the  right 
of  the  people  to  arrange  their  own  methods  of 
living  together. 

Rereading  the  arguments  which  preceded  our 
great  civil  conflict,  one  is  astonished  to  see  that  by 
far  the  most  "practical"  appear  to  be  on  the  side 
of  slavery.  But  if  the  Abolitionists  had  fewer 
arguments,  it  is  because  they  needed  fewer,  abound- 
ing as  they  did  in  conviction.  The  instinct  of  a 
new  social  order  burned  in  them,  as  one  of  his 
countrymen  said  that  the  instinct  of  a  new  continent 
burned  in  Columbus.  Arguments  are  for  the  people 
who  do  not  see.  That  is  why  even  the  arguments 
which  win  a  cause  are  often  found  afterward  to 
be  mistaken.  What  people  are  seeking  with  all 
their  talk,  is  a  medium  of  communication  by  which 
high  spiritual  perceptions  may  be  transmitted  to 

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the  majority.  Joan's  Voices  got  her  believed  in 
France,  because  in  those  days  Voices  were  an 
argument.  It  was  still  possible,  to  the  general  mind, 
for  saints  and  angels  to  walk  the  earth  and  talk 
with  men. 

All  these  things  are  important  because  they 
have  to  do  with  instincts,  and  they  tend  to  show 
that  man  has  a  very  profound  instinct  to  find  pur- 
pose and  tendency  in  the  social  drift.  The  higher 
the  point  from  which  the  procession  of  human 
history  is  viewed,  the  more  the  discoverable  trend 
is  affirmed.  This,  if  true,  is  at  once  the  explanation 
and  the  consolation  of  our  failure  to  find  a  fixed 
order  of  politics.  It  gives  us,  rather,  a  larger  security 
than  we  dreamed,  in  place  of  the  little  certainty 
of  the  ant  and  the  bee,  the  sureness  of  a  planet 
in  its  course. 


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VI 


THOUGH  we  speak  of  politics  as  the  technique 
of  the  social  art,  we  are  conscious  of  a  narrower 
use  of  the  word.  In  the  language  of  the  street,  as 
the  last  stage  of  causes  and  movements  on  the 
way  to  becoming  law,  politics  is  the  technique  of 
political  power.  In  this  sense,  as  the  mechanism 
by  which  party  supremacy  is  arrived  at  and  main- 
tained, it  is  frequently  spoken  of  as  a  thing  unfit 
for  women,  which  is  probably  true. 

Party  politics  is  an  expression,  in  groups  of  organ- 
ization, of  the  masculine  temperament.  Quite  apart 
from  any  consideration  of  goodness  or  badness,  it  is 
characterized  by  so  many  exclusively  masculine  fea- 
tures that  it  must  either  continue  to  be  exercised  by 
men  alone,  or  undergo  a  change  of  complexion  on 
the  admission  of  women  to  the  Party. 

Although  it  is  possible  to  take  too  seriously  any 
one  or  all  of  the  existing  parties  as  you  find  them, 
Party  is  as  fundamental  a  social  unit  and  practically 
as  inescapable,  as  the  family.  It  is  the  spirit  of  the 
gang,  the  natural  cohesion  of  youth  in  formless 
bands,  taking  shape  around  a  dominant  personality. 
It  can  be  traced  in  the  totemic  group  through  the 

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secret  society  with  its  rituals,  grips  and  signs,  dram- 
atizing the  relations  of  the  group  to  some  common 
concept  of  life  and  destiny.  As  a  group  expression 
of  man's  sense  of  Allness  in  an  idea,  it  can  never  be 
clearly  grasped  without  understanding  that  democ- 
racy has  always  meant  something  to  men  which  it 
has  yet  to  mean  to  women. 

The  primitive  gang  is  the  earliest  attempt  of  man 
to  transcend  his  own  limitations  toward  the  dimen- 
sions of  the  race.  The  soul  of  the  race  struggles  to 
realize  itself  by  means  of  party  organization.  The 
member  of  the  boy  gang  rehearses  his  relation  to  the 
tribe;  the  tribe  rehearses  for  the  nation.  After  long 
experience  of  living  together  in  nations,  the  world- 
soul  is  conceived.  Party,  therefore,  is  implicit  in 
any  aggregation  of  humans.  It  is  naturally  evoked 
around  any  live  seed  of  social  idealism,  impregnating 
the  whole  body  politic  with  its  fire.  Individuals  be- 
come fused  with  the  strength,  the  courage,  the  ex- 
altation, and — on  occasion — the  fear  of  the  whole. 
The  super-personality  so  brought  to  life  is  objectified 
in  the  person  of  the  party  chief. 

Party  history  has  been  the  history  of  successive 
discoveries  of  the  availability  of  the  party  group  for 
political  success.  For  a  long  time  the  party  con- 
cerned itself  only  with  establishing  its  leaders  and 
platforms  as  a  category  of  group  ideals.  Men  died 
for  a  Montague  or  a  Capulet  for  no  reason  except 

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that  they  found  themselves  making  the  Montague 
or  the  Capulet  gesture.  The  Will  to  Power  was  satis- 
fied by  the  postures  of  power,  and  nothing  was  dis- 
tinguished between  what  really  happened  and  what 
was  felt  about  it. 

Even  after  the  rise  of  democracy,  party  intelli- 
gence was  chiefly  occupied  with  theories  and  ab- 
stractions of  government.  The  party  organization 
depended  for  its  vitality  on  party  psychoses — the 
loud  shout,  the  affirmation  of  party  loyalty  as  a 
virtue,  the  reinforcement  of  conviction  by  vilifying 
the  opposition.  The  constitution  of  the  Party  was 
totemic;  it  represented  a  common  source  for  the 
point  of  view.  You  were  a  member  of  the  Conser- 
vative or  the  Radical  party  as  your  temperament 
was  conservative  or  radical.  In  early  American 
politics,  the  advantage  of  filling  public  offices  with 
party  members  did  not  at  first  appear.  "To  the 
party  belong  the  spoils"  was  a  late  develop- 
ment. 

The  enormous  preoccupation  of  those  times  with 
such  matters  as  Toryism  and  the  tariff  would 
have  to  be  counted  as  social  waste,  except  for  its 
being  very  little  concerned  with  either  Tories  or 
tariff.  It  was  really  a  self-preserving  effort  to  keep 
alive  the  instinct  of  togetherness,  to  stamp  it  awake 
out  of  its  long  sleep  under  autocracy.  In  the  history 
of  political  invention,  man's  desire  to  make  himself 

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felt  precedes  the  desire  to  make  himself  felt  in  a  par- 
ticular direction.  What  the  gang  primarily  demanded 
of  a  leader  was  that*  he  should  possess  the  ability 
to  make  them  all  seem  less  fragmentary.  United 
to  him  by  admiration,  by  interest  and  even  by 
fear,  they  became  effectual.  It  is  probable  that  the 
first  great  men  had  no  advantage  at  all,  except 
that  of  being  able  to  make  the  detached  contribu- 
tions of  the  group  members  cohere  and  to  shine  at 
any  moment  with  its  collective  brilliancy. 

The  process  may  still  be  seen  going  on,  one  man 
absorbing  the  ideas,  the  insight  and  aptitudes  of 
his  following,  giving  them  back  charged  with  per- 
sonality which  warms  them  with  its  ray.  The  pride 
of  participation  in  the  leader  is  the  soul  of  party 
loyalty,  and  profit  becomes  a  secondary  considera- 
tion. 

We  cannot  get  at  this  quality  by  calling  it  names. 
We  cannot  get  at  it  at  all,  I  think,  except  by  writing 
it  down  among  the  primary  impulses,  along  with 
the  Will  to  Live  and  the  Will  to  Make  Live,  as  the 
Will  to  Power,  the  desire  to  make  something  happen. 
It  is  often  possible  to  get  the  illusion  of  power  by 
opposition.  This  is  the  resort  of  social  impotence. 
True  political  ascendency  is  attained  by  out-stating 
the  earlier  platform,  by  consolidating  around  the 
larger  affirmation.  The  torchlight  procession  and 
the  "plsmtmg"  of  candidatorial  scandals  began  to 

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go  out  of  American  politics  as  labor  unions  and 
social  welfare  began  to  come  in. 

Though  in  the  early  stages  of  society  no  objection 
was  made  to  the  organization  of  ideistic  groups 
among  women,  the  pull  of  party  instinct  was  never 
strong  enough  to  counter  the  individualizing  in- 
fluence of  the  home.  And  if  party  spirit,  the  intro- 
active,  exclusive  and  inclusive  impulse  of  the  gang, 
was  never  so  marked  a  feature  of  woman's  psychol- 
ogy in  the  beginning,  how  much  less  now,  when  men 
have  made  of  politics  a  field  in  which  to  exercise  the 
whole  range  of  masculine  instincts. 

In  America,  party  politics  has  been  emotional, 
not  to  say  orgiastic  in  proportion  as  our  culture 
has  been  provincial,  and  our  industry  drab  and 
flat.  Where  there  is  no  art  by  which  a  communal 
idealism  may  be  made  objective,  there  is  nothing 
but  oratory  and  much  running  to  and  fro.  As  the 
business  of  making  a  living  has  become  more  strait- 
ened and  monotonous,  man  has  made  of  the  strategies 
and  surprises  of  party  politics  a  substitute  for 
adventure,  a  mimicry  of  the  chase,  a  temporary 
recurrent  release  from  social  isolation. 

None  of  these  things  are  native  to  the  genius 
of  woman.  The  fear  that  her  admission  to  what 
is  called  practical  politics  will  leave  it  poorer  for 
men  by  the  elimination  of  their  special  kind  of 
togetherness  is  not  without  foundation.  One  sees  the 

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sudden  rise  of  woman  suffrage  in  warring  countries 
as  largely  accounted  for  by  the  instinctive  abandon- 
ment by  men  of  a  field  made  to  seem  narrow  by  the 
more  dramatic  and  immediate  activities  of  battle. 
The  extent  to  which  women  can  retain  in  their 
own  hands  the  local  machinery  for  regulating  the 
small  business  of  living,  is  going  to  be  directly  in 
proportion  as  the  returning  soldiery  can  be  released 
into  the  larger  fields  of  creative  engineering  and 
world  politics. 

§ 

It  would  be  a  mistake  for  women  to  discard  party 
simply  because  it  is  not  instinctive  in  the  feminine 
temperament.  All  that  is  necessary  is  to  discrim- 
inate between  what  is  democratizing  in  party  politics, 
and  what  is  merely  the  mode  of  masculine  expression. 
We  failed  to  do  that  when  we  imagined  that  politics 
could  be  made  sound  by  putting  only  "good"  men 
into  office,  failing  to  understand  that  the  real  con- 
nective tissue  of  Party  is  not  ethics  but  psychics. 
Not  any  kind  of  badness  or  goodness,  but  the 
organization  of  the  Will  to  Power  around  a  personal- 
ity, is  the  magnetic  center  of  party  politics,  not 
the  less  magnetic  and  forceful  when  it  produces 
those  offences  which  go  by  the  general  name  of 
political  corruption. 

This  term,  political  corruption,  is  undescriptive. 
The  politics  of  a  country  can  only  be  base  when 

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the  mass  of  the  people  live  together  basely,  basely 
engrossed  with  personal  interests,  basely  devoted 
to  the  rosy,  the  obviously  complacent,  basely  afraid 
of  movement  and  change.  Plain  badness,  such  as 
bribery,  theft  and  "graft"  occur  in  all  human  activ- 
ities. Their  excessive  appearance  in  the  field  of 
public  affairs  is  a  symptom  of  deadened  areas  of 
social  awareness.  Cease  to  know  how  the  water  and 
lighting  of  your  community  are  handled,  how  your 
milk  comes  in  and  your  garbage  goes  out,  and  you 
very  shortly  hear  the  blue  flies  of  political  profiteer- 
ing buzzing  in  the  obscurity. 

But  it  is  not  the  moral  lapses  of  individual  pol- 
iticians that  prevent  the  party  from  its  business 
of  expressing  the  will  and  the  desires  of  society. 
Nor  is  the  cure  of  party  evils  to  be  effected  by 
bringing  to  bear  on  them  a  superior  moral  character. 
What  is  wanted  is  a  superior  quality  of  social 
thinking.  Otherwise  the  women  voters  will  find 
themselves  in  the  situation  of  the  "muck-raked" 
politician  of  ten  years  ago,  pathetically  offering  the 
unimpeachable  conduct  of  their  private  business 
and  their  domestic  virtues  to  offset  the  charge  of 
political  corruption. 

The  final  revelation  of  our  muck-raking  episode 
was  not  ethical  but  methodical.  It  all  went  to 
show  that  the  pattern  of  government  is  overlaid 
by  another  pattern  of  personality.  A  "boss"  was 

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discovered  to  be  a  member  of  any  group  who  pos- 
sessed in  an  unusual  degree  the  faculty  of  potentializ- 
ing  his  following.  His  power  is  directly  related  to 
this  faculty,  and  has  nothing  to  do  with  his  moral — 
or  immoral — use  of  it. 

Having  thus  provided  us  with  the  greatest  possible 
number  of  defamatory  phrases  for  politicians,  and 
taken  them  away  again,  the  movement  to  penetrate 
to  the  sources  of  political  dissatisfaction  dropped. 
And  there  it  stands,  this  curiously  inconclusive 
muck-raking  episode,  like  one  of  those  ancient 
Roman  Hermes,  faces  looking  both  ways,  above 
an  unfinished  pillar  of  wood  or  stone.  Legless  and 
armless,  it  neither  points  nor  leads. 

But  to  women,  suddenly  called  upon  to  demon- 
strate their  capacity  for  political  responsibility 
through  the  party  machine,  the  failure  to  finish 
out  the  figure  appears  as  the  failure  of  the  mas- 
culine instinct.  The  muck-rakers,  peering  about 
the  dark  corners  of  party  politics,  were  looking 
for  something  extra-human,  something  that  could 
be  described  and  destroyed.  And  all  they  found 
was  man. 

They  found  men  becoming  bosses  by  their  power 
of  consolidating  the  wills  and  the  desires  of  their 
"ring,"  but  they  found  no  other  mark  by  which  a 
boss  could  be  known.  There  were  honest  bosses 
and  corrupt  bosses,  and  there  were  bosses.  Some 

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attention  was  given  to  establishing  a  criterion  of 
what  was  and  was  not  desirable  in  a  boss,  an  under- 
taking from  which  the  leaders  of  the  movement 
early  and  frankly  retired.  Bossism  was  accepted 
as  intrinsic  in  human  nature  and  inseparable  from 
human  affairs. 

If  you  read  the  literature  of  that  time,  you  will 
find  indications  that  the  students  of  political  cor- 
ruption were  not  altogether  satisfied  with  this  con- 
clusion. They  took  pains  to  assure  the  public  that 
they  did  not  feel  themselves  morally  superior  to 
the  men  they  criticized.  This  was  a  way  of  stating 
what  they  felt  without  clearly  seeing  that  the  evils 
of  bossism  were  much  more  in  man-nature  than 
human  nature;  they  had  not  sufficient  acquaintance 
with  the  political  methods  of  women  to  make  the 
distinction. 

American  women,  though  they  have  scarcely 
been  officially  admitted  to  politics,  are  not  al- 
together without  political  experience.  There  are 
in  this  country  nearly  ten  million  women,  fede- 
rated and  affiliated  in  various  organizations  for 
social  welfare,  and  some  of  these  organizations 
have  histories  of  half  a  century  of  accomplish- 
ment. The  principle  of  political  leadership  is 
well  understood  and  successfully  practiced  by 
them.  There  are  leaders  of  women,  highly 
energized  centers  of  uplift,  and  leaders  who  are 

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highly  energized  without  being  at  all  times  wise  and 
advantageous  to  the  Cause.  But  there  is  no  woman 
in  high  place  who  is  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other. 

I  suppose  that  I  have  met  practically  all  the  women 
who  have  been  elected  by  women  to  positions  of 
importance  in  national  welfare.  I  do  not  know  one 
who  is  not  herself  a  figure  of  achievement,  fertile 
and  polarizing  to  other  minds.  And  I  know  many 
men  who  have  been  elected  by  other  men  to  positions 
of  national  importance,  who  are  wordy,  vain  and 
sterile.  This  is  one  of  the  commonplaces  of  our 
political  life.  We  have  these  men  in  Congress, 
in  Cabinets,  we  have  come  dangerously  near  to 
having  them  in  the  Presidential  chair.  There  is 
no  community  so  small  that  it  does  not  have  its 
prototype  of  the  professional  politician,  handed  about 
from  office  to  office,  with  no  discoverable  qualifica- 
tions except  his  politic  relations  to  other  men. 
The  situation  is  all  in  that  word  politic,  which 
does  not  mean,  as  it  should  by  derivation,  skilled 
in  social  craft,  but  skilled  in  the  art  of  making  on 
other  men  an  impression  favorable  to  its  interest. 
All  the  lanes  and  highways  of  political  administra- 
tion are  clogged  with  such  figures,  sustained  there 
not  by  anything  that  they  have  done,  but  by  some- 
thing that  they  have  been  able  to  make  voters 
feel  about  them. 

Out  of  man's  untutored  instinct  and  his  past, 

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there  is  this  mist  of  party  emotion  going  up  forever 
between  his  political  intelligence  and  his  political 
intention.  For  the  majority  of  men,  consciously 
or  not,  a  political  campaign  is  an  indulgence,  a 
rehearsal  of  suppressed  gang  instincts,  peculiar  to 
the  male  experience.  Successful  party  campaigners 
are  those  who  can  best  play  upon  the  latent  mob 
psychoses  which  come  offering  themselves  gladly 
to  his  hand. 

I  have  said  that  this  flotation  of  a  public  character 
by  means  of  his  personal  reaction  does  not  occur 
among  women.  Certainly  not  in  respect  to  other 
women.  If  one  looked  for  a  sweeping  generalization 
of  the  difference  of  approach  by  men  and  women  to 
social  experiences,  it  could  be  found  in  the  superior 
detachability  of  women,  in  their  steadier  discrimina- 
tion between  the  social  objective  and  the  incidents 
of  achievement.  Women  are  rounder  than  men, 
spiritually  more  affirmed,  never  so  at  the  mercy  of 
the  mob-mind.  Oratory,  which  is  a  powerful  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  the  political  entrepreneur,  is 
not  a  woman  gift.  Women  speak  movingly  and  to  the 
point,  but  among  themselves  "spell-binding,"  that 
swathing  of  the  intelligence  in  sooth-sounding  sen- 
tences, does  not  often  occur. 

Against  the  tendency  of  Party  to  slake  itself  with 
political  postures  and  the  spoils  of  power,  women 
can  with  success  oppose  their  native  detachment. 

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In  local  measures  they  have  only  to  be  true  to  their 
genius  for  the  immediate  and  the  specific,  and  they 
can  point  the  index  of  the  political  dial.  But  it  still 
remains  to  be  seen  whether,  having  emancipated 
themselves  from  sex  traditionalism,  they  can  stand 
out  against  the  pooh-bah  traditionalism  of  party 
politics. 

It  cannot  be  done  by  attributing  to  any  one  party 
Che enf eeblement  of  nation?!  political  action  by  "pol- 
itic" officials .  Nor  can  we  by  any  reconstruction  of 
the  frame  of  Government  prevent  the  drift  of  the  po- 
litically inept  toward  public  office.  Doubtless  the 
mechanism  of  the  Government  has  to  be  reshaped 
from  time  to  time.  Ours,  having  been  organized  by 
men  exclusively  for  the  use  of  men,  will  require  some 
adjustment  to  its  extended  use  by  women.  But 
party  politics  is  a  product  not  so  much  of  men,  as  of 
man-mindedness.  We  can  get  at  it  at  its  highest 
point  by  understanding  that  the  early  phases  of  the 
gang  were  religious,  and  their  ritual  was  the  expres- 
sion of  the  things  in  man's  social  experience  which 
transcended  his  power  of  speech.  Much  of  the  Gov- 
ernmental red  tape  of  which  we  complain  without 
being  able  to  rid  ourselves  is  desiccated  tribal  ritual. 
It  can  no  more  be  got  rid  of  by  men  alone  than  an 
ear  of  corn  can  strip  itself  of  its  own  husks.  Here 
the  best  service  of  women  to  politics  is  in  the  main- 
tenance of  a  certain  aloofness. 

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There  are  several  questions  that  one  has  a  right 
to  ask  of  a  political  leader,  besides  the  question  of 
his  being  seriously  committed  to  the  question  in 
hand.  We  may  ask  what  vision  there  is  in  him, 
whether  it  is  solid,  realizable,  the  veritable  land- 
scape of  the  future,  or  one  of  those  strange  mirages 
which  float  on  the  mind's  eye,  the  refraction  of  some 
obscure  trait  of  personality.  We  have  to  ask  of  his 
greatness,  whether  it  is  of  that  second  order,  which 
consists  in  seeing  greatly  the  thing  to  be  done,  with- 
out the  ability  to  draw  around  him  great  men  to  do 
it.  But  of  his  private  character  the  only  thing  that 
may  be  justly  asked  is  whether  there  is  anything  in 
it  which  would  defeat  the  purpose  for  which  he  may 
be  elected.  To  attempt  to  measure  public  men  by 
the  criterion  of  woman  virtue  is  to  repeat  the  enor- 
mity of  man's  waste  of  woman,  his  refusal  to  take 
into  social  consideration  any  of  her  capacities  which 
do  not  appeal  to  his  private  interest  in  her. 

Woman  suffrage  is  woman's  denial  of  the  idea  that 
her  place  and  function  in  society  is  in  any  way  or 
particular  established  by  what  men  feel  about  her. 
It  affirms,  so  far  as  it  concerns  her  sex,  that  woman- 
hood and  motherhood  have  definite,  geometric  val- 
ues which  are  obscured  rather  than  enhanced  by  all 
this  confused  and  cloudy  sentiment.  The  ballot  has 
been  sought  as  a  repudiation  of  the  whole  method 
of  social  progress  by  merely  producing  an  effect.  But 

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women  have  been  mistaken  in  thinking  that  the 
demand  which  men  make  to  have  an  effect  pro- 
duced on  themselves  is  made  only  on  women.  What 
they  have  now  to  face  is  the  stultification  of  pol- 
itics through  the  personal  influence  of  men  on  other 
men.  Thinking  to  escape  into  politics  out  of  the 
stuffy  atmosphere  of  bed-room  and  kitchen,  as  into 
a  cool  and  ordered  place,  women  will  be  astonished 
at  the  rather  general  masculine  inability  to  discrim- 
inate between  the  candidate's  personality  and  his 
capacity  for  specific  social  gains. 

And  yet,  just  this  situation  must  be  met  and  over- 
come if  we  are  to  establish  any  criterion  between  the 
best  and  the  not  best,  or,  hi  the  common  phrase,  be- 
tween honest  politics  and  corrupt  politics.  I  think 
that  the  leaders  of  the  muck-raking  episode — which 
we  have  to  go  back  to  as  the  last  one  which  definite- 
ly enlarged  our  political  outlook — realized  that  the 
"invisible  government"  was  not  deliberately  malign. 
What  they  did  not  see  was  that  it  was  mannish. 

Given  a  man-made  institution,  working  exclusive- 
ly in  the  stuff  of  the  masculine  temperament,  I  do 
not  see  what  other  pattern  could  be  produced. 
Spinning  between  his  tendency  toward  high  indi- 
vidual variation  and  his  gang  instinct — voluntary 
surrender  to  a  dominant  personality,  alternating 
with  periods  of  violent  recovery — this  is  the  orbit 
which  man  repeats  in  every  history  key.  On  the 

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other  hand,  we  have  the  experimental  family  type  of 
organization  which  is  woman's  contribution.  She 
made  it  out  of  her  physical  limitations  and  the  ne- 
cessities of  her  young.  The  state,  the  nation,  is  an 
attempt  to  stabilize  society  by  combining  the  best 
features  of  both  types.  The  party  is  man's  personal 
instrument,  and  the  worst  thing  about  it  is  its  ex- 
cess of  mannishness. 

§  ' 

Much  of  the  general  unsatisf  actoriness  of  our  poli- 
tics is  traceable  to  our  Government's  being  founded 
on  two  general  ideas,  neither  of  which  is  now  true. 
The  first  one  was  that  the  energizing  centers  of  po- 
litical life  coincide  with  party  and  political  offices. 
When  we  found  by  experience  that  they  did  not,  we 
spent  a  great  deal  of  time  trying  to  put  the  men  who 
represented  the  real  centers  of  social  energy  into 
office.  Most  of  our  political  reforms  in  the  past 
were  of  just  this  character.  But  the  effort  has  now 
so  broken  down  that  it  is  a  question  whether  our 
chief  political  error  is  not  in  thinking  that  political 
leaders  ought  to  be  party  men. 

Political  ideas  and  movements  seldom  do  develop 
within  a  party.  They  originate  in  experience,  are 
mobilized  by  a  free  press,  and  frequently  come  to 
issue  without  ever  being  adopted  by  any  recognized 
party.  The  woman  suffrage  movement  lived  and 

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grew  for  nearly  forty  years,  and  was  only  taken  on 
by  existing  parties  after  its  success  was  assured. 

The  introduction  of  a  new  temperamental  bias  into 
politics  in  the  woman  vote,  the  direct  application  of 
public  opinion  to  public  affairs  by  means  of  the  ini- 
tiative, referendum  and  recall,  all  indicate  the  decay 
of  the  party  as  an  institution.  At  this  hour,  it  is  not 
even  necessary,  to  be  helpful,  to  describe  the  plat- 
forms of  existing  parties.  Not  that  aggregations  of 
voters  may  not  survive  the  present  stress,  under  ban- 
ners nominally  Democratic,  or  Socialist  or  Republi- 
can. It  is  written  on  the  walls  of  the  world's  capitols, 
however,  that  they  can  only  survive  by  becoming 
something  other  and  more  adaptive  than  that  which 
any  one  of  those  names  at  present  implies. 

The  other  early  political  assumption  which  is  be- 
ing more  rapidly  altered  by  the  war  than  any  other, 
was  the  idea  which,  in  1776,  had  the  force  of  experi- 
ence, that  government  was  something  that  was  set 
over  the  people.  It  had  to  be  watched  constantly  to 
see  that  it  did  not  impose.  One  of  the  objects  of 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  was  to  invent  a  sys- 
tem of  checks  and  restrictions  by  which  the  differ- 
ent departments  of  the  Government  could  watch  one 
another. 

The  result  was  that  they  succeeded  only  in  mak- 
ing it  very  inconvenient  to  get  anything  done.  The 
need  developed  by  the  war  for  getting  things  done 

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quickly  has  made  it  necessary  to  revise  the  mech- 
anism of  the  Government,  to  make  it  more  har- 
monious with  the  new  idea  about  it,  the  idea  of 
government  as  an  expression  of  social  consent.  Why 
should  the  President  be  restricted  in  doing  those 
things  that  we  expressly  elect  him  to  do?  This  is 
the  meaning  of  the  shifts  of  authority  and  power  go- 
ing on  at  Washington.  It  is  all  part  of  the  growing 
understanding  of  society  as  something  that  moves 
and  grows. 

Many  other  of  our  early  inventions  are  quite  as 
much  in  need  of  remodelling.  One  of  them  is  the 
separate  State.  The  idea  of  federated  political 
groups  is  sound.  It  grows  out  of  the  differences  in 
living  conditions  dependent  on  geography,  soil  and 
climate  and  the  procession  of  harvests.  The  diffi- 
culty about  our  States  is  that  their  divisions  are  ar- 
tificial. We  have  too  many,  and  with  no  good  reason 
for  their  being  in  that  particular  place.  Depend 
upon  it,  anything  political  which  does  not  grow  from 
some  sound  root  in  the  earth  is  out  of  place. 

All  these  lesser  artificially  divided  groups  are  ex- 
pensive to  maintain  and  clumsy  to  handle.  That  is 
why  the  Federal  Banking  System  ignores  the  State 
boundaries,  and  divides  into  twelve  districts,  each 
district  representing  what  might  be  called  a  distinct 
culture.  That  is,  it  represents  a  distinct  group  of 
natural  factors  which  call  for  different  ways  of  being 

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lived  with,  the  New  England  culture,  the  Ohio  Val- 
ley culture,  the  Pacific  Coast  culture,  and  all  the 
rest. 

It  would  be  a  great  saving  if  all  our  secondary 
politics  could  follow  some  such  natural  grouping. 
The  state  organizations  are  very  much  tied  up  with 
history  and  property  interests,  so  that  it  will  require 
all  the  fluency  we  have  gained  through  war  to  re- 
group them.  Method,  however,  is  unimportant,  it  is 
the  principle  of  distribution  to  which  I  wish  to  call 
attention. 

Just  as  the  center  of  political  energy  is  in  the  per- 
son who  is  able  to  make  them  cohere,  so  the  natural 
center  of  political  organization  can  always  be  found 
in  the  conditions  that  enable  people  to  live.  States 
or  governments  of  whatever  kind  should  be  ar- 
ranged around  the  four  great  social  causatives,  food, 
housing,  clothing  and  transportation.  These  are  the 
things  that  make  one  society  differ  from  another. 
They  are  the  criterions  of  suitability  in  the  making 
of  constitutions  for  states  and  nations. 


91 


VII 


NATIONALITY  is  the  expression  in  political 
form,  of  the  temperament  of  a  people  made 
homogeneous  by  living  in  one  place.  The  principle 
of  national  cohesion  is  very  subtle.  It  is  not  the 
principle  of  race;  one  might  say  that  race  is  the  prod- 
uct of  nationality,  or  that  race  becomes  nationality 
by  the  process  of  living  long  enough  in  one  environ- 
ment. Every  thousand  years  or  so  new  nations  are 
made  out  of  combinations  of  races,  and  out  of  the 
nationality  so  formed  a  new  race  arises. 

But  a  mere  aggregation  of  people,  even  of  the 
same  race,  is  not  a  nation.  There  must  be  form  and 
political  consistency.  It  might  be  any  of  the  forms 
we  have  discussed,  but  for  a  nation  to  have  potency, 
that  form  must  be  the  self-determined  expression  of. 
the  genius  of  the  people.  Nations  cannot  be  made 
by  conquest.  Sometimes  by  long,  forced  coalitions 
peoples  not  too  unlike  may  become  so  welded  that  it 
is  inexpedient  to  divide  their  political  interests. 
Still,  the  Roman  Empire,  for  all  its  yoking  of  king- 
doms, never  made  a  nation,  and  the  power  of  Spain 
in  Mexico  produced  nothing  more  unified  than  a 
loose  confederation  of  tribal  states.  Even  by  con- 

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quest,  it  is  difficult  to  make  a  nation  against  its  will. 
All  through  Europe,  in  the  midst  of  other  states,  lie 
fragments  of  dismembered  nations  like  Poland  and 
Bohemia,  that  need  only  a  few  drops  of  life-giving 
liberty  to  make  them  rise  again  whole  and  sound. 

If  self-determination  is  the  factor  that  gives  polit- 
ical life  to  nations,  it  is  the  inter-action  of  land  and 
race  that  gives  them  character.  If  this  were  not  so, 
there  would  be  no  such  thing  as  nationality  in  art. 
But  this  is  the  most  indisputable  thing  about  art, 
that  it  very  definitely  reflects  not  only  the  land  from 
which  it  came,  but  the  racial  strains  through  which 
it  reaches  us.  Negro  music  in  Africa  is  one  thing, 
and  music  made  by  negroes  in  America  is  another, 
just  as  Anglo-Saxon  politics  in  Australia  is  different 
from  Anglo-Saxon  politics  in  England. 

Where  two  or  three  races  have  successively  occu- 
pied the  same  land,  they  will  plainly  show  in  their 
art  and  policies  the  influence  of  the  land,  its  color 
and  contours,  winds,  mountains,  climates.  It  is 
even  possible  to  guess  from  the  songs  of  an  unknown 
country  whether  it  is  open  desert,  or  tree-covered, 
with  sharp,  heaven-climbing  hills.  Nationality  is 
not  a  mere  matter  of  boundaries  or  color  on  a  map. 
It  is  an  inescapable  condition  of  men  living  on  a 
varied  and  unequal  earth. 

No  doubt  the  world  would  be  a  safer  place  to  live 
in  if  it  were  all  flat  like  a  table,  and  if  its  waters 

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instead  of  having  to  be  bridged  and  sailed  upon, 
were  all  gathered  to  one  side.  But  it  is  apparently 
not  in  the  nature  of  worlds  to  be  flat.  Neither  is  it 
in  the  nature  of  minerals,  or  trees,  or  man  to  be  all 
of  one  quality  or  one  kind.  Differences  in  point  of 
view  with  corresponding  distinctions  of  political  ex- 
pression are  the  elements  of  which  nations  are  built, 
and  cannot  be  omitted  from  any  sound  internation- 
alism. 

So  when  we  begin  to  deal  with  the  question  of 
nations,  we  have  to  begin  not  only  with  the  fact  of 
differences  in  points  of  view,  leading  to  distinctions 
of  political  method,  but  with  the  possibility  of  change 
growing  out  of  national  experience.  We  must  deal 
with  nations  as  natural,  and  therefore  likely  to  in- 
crease both  in  numbers  and  vitality,  demanding  more 
room  in  which  to  come  to  their  full  growth.  Finally, 
we  have  to  deal  with  that  hidden  urge  of  life  which 
throws  up  from  time  to  time  new  principles  of 
nationality. 

Every  one  of  these  considerations  is  a  factor 
in  the  international  situation.  Every  one  of  them 
must  be  accommodated  in  any  satisfactory  rear- 
rangement. But  the  very  nature  of  nations  dis- 
poses at  once  of  the  suggestion  now  being  made  in 
many  quarters,  that  international  conflicts  may  be 
prevented  by  the  simple  device  of  consolidating  all 
of  them  under  one  flag. 

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It  is  a  common  weakness  of  human  nature  to 
think  of  itself  as  idealistic  when  it  is  merely  un- 
imaginative. True  political  imagination  consists 
in  the  power  to  select  those  elements  of  a  situation 
which  have  constructive  force,  and  project  them 
into  the  future.  Lacking  this  power,  the  future 
becomes  a  fog  on  which  men  throw  the  color  of 
their  dreams,  as  magic  lantern  pictures  used  to  be 
thrown  on  a  curtain  of  smoke. 

That  is  why  any  vision  that  is  thrown  up  out  of 
American  life,  of  a  unified  human  race  working 
in  harmony  for  its  own  improvement,  must  be 
examined  very  closely  for  structural  features.  For 
the  great  structural  forces  of  society  are  spiritual, 
invisible;  and  America  is  the  most  unimaginative 
of  nations.  Or,  if  imaginative  at  all,  only  in  terms 
of  material,  steel  and  concrete,  crops  and  engines. 
That  is  why  there  is  such  a  perpetual  after-dinner 
flavor  to  our  world  thinking.  All  that  we  have  con- 
tributed thus  far  has  been  the  projection  on  the 
screen  of  the  future  of  the  well-fed  "business"  mind. 
And  this  is  quite  as  true  when  the  vision  comes 
from  the  type  of  mind  that  repudiates  "business" 
as  the  core  of  political  life,  true  in  the  sense 
that  the  world  vision  which  goes  by  the  name  of 
pacifism  or  internationalism  lacks  structure. 

The  average  man  sees  a  League  of  Nations,  a  sort 
of  standing  committee  of  nations  which  will  meet 

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and  perhaps  pass  unanimous  resolutions,  but  he 
does  not  in  the  least  see  what  is  to  be  accomplished. 
The  Internationalist  sees  all  the  boundaries  of 
nations  dissolved  in  a  tepid  bath  of  brotherhood, 
but  he  does  not  in  the  least  see  how.  Both  these 
visions  are  reflections  of  an  attitude,  an  approach. 
Of  the  two,  the  average  man's  is  more  formulated 
because  it  proceeds  out  of  a  daily  habit  of  getting 
things  done,  while  all  the  professional  pacific- 
Internationalist  has  to  offer  is  an  emotion  about 
internationalism . 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  first  structural  fact 
on  which  we  have  to  build  a  practice  of  international 
relations  is  the  fact  of  nationality,  the  continuous 
and  subtle  readjustment  between  a  people  and  their 
environment,  which  differentiates  the  people  of 
one  environment  from  the  people  of  another.  The 
second  inescapable  item  is  the  generation  of  national 
power  from  within,  through  the  sub-conscious 
urge  of  type  to  perpetuate  itself.  You  can  see 
this  tendency  working  in  our  own  country;  streams 
of  population  are  pouring  in  from  the  old  world,  each 
struggling  to  reproduce  the  environment  to  which 
it  owes  its  vitality.  You  can  see  it  in  the  German 
overflow,  attempting  in  every  country  to  create 
Germanism  as  the  natural  expression  of  itself. 
And  wherever  you  see  this,  you  can  see  the  weakness 
of  the  pacifist  notion  that  unification  is  a  simple 

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matter  of  doing  away  with  boundaries.  It  is  that 
weakness  which  assumes  that  unification  is  the 
same  thing  as  uniformity. 

§ 

Practically  everybody  in  the  world  is  convinced 
that  war  is  a  very  wasteful  and  unsatisfactory  way 
of  settling  international  difficulties.  But  we  make 
no  headway  toward  getting  it  dropped  as  a  political 
method,  so  long  as  we  go  against  nature  by  assuming 
that  the  indispensable  condition  of  peace  is  alikeness. 

The  whole  tendency  of  nature  is  toward  variety. 
But  variety  is  no  more  a  cause  of  war  than  sameness 
is  a  guarantee  of  peace.  Resemblances  of  fortune 
and  feature  do  not  prevent  family  quarrels;  and 
civil  wars  and  class  cruelties,  which  have  nothing 
to  do  with  flags  or  boundaries,  are  not  only  frequent 
but  of  exceeding  bitterness.  The  atrocities  of 
international  war  are  not  more  terrible,  only  more 
concentrated  than  the  atrocities  of  political  and 
religious  persecution,  which  used  to  be  inspired 
with  the  idea  of  producing  that  very  sameness  of 
view  which  looks  so  hopeful  to  the  pacifist. 

As  a  matter  of  history,  civilization  seems  to  have 
advanced,  not  by  the  elimination  of  differences, 
but  by  increasing  freedom  for  being  different. 
War  will  have  to  be  lost  out  of  our  political  con- 
sciousness as  slavery  and  cannibalism  were  lost, 
not  by  our  growing  more  alike  but  by  growing  more 

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intelligent.  Any  attempt  to  prevent  differences 
from  becoming  acute  by  abolishing  flags  of  dif- 
ference is  a  denial  of  the  whole  idea  of  social  evolu- 
tion. Resemblances  between  nations  must  grow 
from  their  generally  developing  mentality,  since 
all  mind  appears  to  be  of  one  piece,  and  from  their 
common  rate  of  progress  toward  truth,  which  is 
probably  an  expression  of  unity.  It  cannot  come 
naturally  and  profitably  from  a  conventional  agree- 
ment to  resemble  one  another,  as  school-girls  all 
agree  to  wear  the  same  style  of  graduating  gown. 

Looked  at  simply  as  an  historic  episode,  this 
war  resolves  into  an  attempt  by  Germany  to  impose 
the  pattern  of  her  particular  sameness  on  the  world. 
Her  occupation  of  Russia  is  an  effort  to  prevent  the 
variation  of  politics  so  recently  sprung  up  there, 
from  reacting  on  her  own  people  to  produce  a 
departure  from  sameness  at  home.  The  objection 
to  any  war  of  conquest  is  not  altogether  an  objection 
to  the  use  of  the  war  method;  it  is  not  even  a 
question  of  a  better  or  worse  political  pattern. 
The  whole  offense,  whether  it  is  an  offense  of  mili- 
tarism or  of  pacifism,  is  an  offense  against  the 
natural  and  intrinsic  right  of  peoples  to  be  unlike. 

We  have  to  clear  our  minds  on  this  point,  because 
our  personal  adventure  in  this  war  is  a  measure  of 
our  power  to  assert  the  right  to  be  distinct  and 
unlike,  and  to  do  it  without  infringing  on  the  right  of 


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other  people  to  the  same  fundamental  distinction 
and  unlikeness.  And  the  most  outstanding  problem 
of  reconstruction  after  the  war  will  be  our  adjust- 
ment to  the  new  'principle  of  nationality  which  is 
now  developing  in  Mexico  and  Russia. 

It  is  as  different  from  ours  as  ours  was  from 
anything  in  Europe  two  hundred  years  ago,  and 
probably  as  much  entitled  to  room  in  which  to 
come  to  its  full  growth.  No  one  can  yet  say  just 
what  it  is,  but  its  hungry  demand  for  land,  its 
apparent  inability  to  exist  without  a  very  personal 
relation  to  land,  indicates  that  its  prevailing  pattern 
will  be  rural  rather  than  industrial  or  commercial. 
It  is  not  a  coincidence  that  this  land  hunger  should 
show  itself  in  the  revolutions  of  both  Mexico  and 
Russia.  You  will  find  the  same  general  attitude 
toward  land  among  the  Bolsheviki  on  the  East  Side 
of  New  York,  and  among  the  intellectuals  who  sym- 
pathize with  them.  It  goes  with  the  temperament. 
Land-lovers  are  always  peace-lovers,  not  because 
they  have  a  higher,  more  spiritual  point  of  view 
than  the  rest  of  us,  but  because,  loving  land,  they 
dislike  the  disturbance  and  adventures  of  war. 

There  is  also  a  strong  leaning  toward  communism, 
both  as  to  land  and  industry,  in  this  new  order. 
Their  communism  is  not  the  same  thing  as  co-opera- 
tion among  us,  not  voluntary  team  work  for  the 
sake  of  a  particular  goal.  It  is  something  as  neces- 


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sary  to  the  type  as  the  swarm  is  to  the  bee,  some- 
thing he  is  unhappy  to  be  without,  that  makes 
him  a  buzzing,  stinging  nuisance  in  our  kind  of 
social  organization.  And  there  is  a  kind  of  mysticism 
which  belongs  to  this  sort  of  communism  which 
our  Western  civilization  fails  to  understand. 

What  we  mean  by  the  mystical  element  in  a 
political  movement  is  the  manner  in  which  the 
movement  is  connected  with  the  Universal  Forces 
that  are  always  felt  to  be  at  work  in  human  society. 
There  is  very  little  difference  between  political 
and  religious  movements,  except  in  the  names 
by  which  they  are  called.  A  religion  begins  with 
an  idea  of  how  men  are  related  to  God,  and  develops 
a  set  of  rules  for  living  in  harmony  with  that  idea. 
Politics,  in  its  largest  sense,  begins  with  an  idea  of 
the  way  society  is  related  to  universal,  everlasting 
things,  and  develops  a  system  of  social  living  around 
that  relationship. 

The  mystical  element  of  the  political  movement 
which  goes  by  the  name  of  Bolshevikism  is  Oriental, 
pagan  as  opposed  to  our  Christian  mysticism. 
It  consists  in  thinking  that  peace,  internationalism 
and  universal  brotherhood  are  to  be  reached  by 
some  rearrangement  of  the  mind  and  emotions. 
Whether  or  not  some  of  the  Bolshevik  leaders  are 
German  agents  or  German  dupes  is  unimportant. 
There  are  always  some  weak  and  vicious  men  in 

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every  movement.  The  distinguishing  factor  of  this 
movement  is  that  it  thinks  World  Democracy  is  to 
come  as  the  result  of  a  soul-storm.  That  is  where 
it  differs  from  our  Occidental  mysticism  which 
believes  that  all  the  worth-while  things  come  at 
the  price  of  sacrifice. 

It  is  probable  that  both  these  ideas  need  modi- 
fying. Brotherhood  is  not  wholly  won  by  thinking 
about  it,  nor  democracy  by  dying  for  it.  The  mind 
of  man  must  come  forward  and  permanently 
occupy  the  territory  for  which  life  has  been  laid 
down.  But  at  least  we  know  that  we  cannot  get 
very  far  with  either  idea  by  calling  the  other  bad 
names. 

It  is  too  early  to  say  just  what  political  form  this 
new  element  will  take.  One  thing  is  absolutely 
certain;  neither  Mexico  nor  Russia  want  our 
capitalistic,  commercial  form.  It  is  the  dread  of 
having  that  system  imposed  upon  them  that  makes 
them  distrust  even  the  help  they  need  so  much  from 
us.  Do  not  let  your  pride  in  American  institutions 
blind  you  to  this.  There  is  nothing  that  Mexico 
or  Bolshevik  Russia  and  their  prototypes  in  other 
lands  hate  so  much  as  our  particular  pattern  of 
living  together.  There  is  probably  a  natural  sim- 
plicity about  this  new  type  which  makes  it  afraid 
of  our  highly  complicated  system,  much  as  a  person 
who  has  no  mechanical  gift  fears  machinery. 

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And  since  we  are  having  so  much  trouble  to  get 
rid  of  the  evils  of  our  wage  and  capital  system  at 
home,  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  good  rea- 
son why  we  should  impose  it  on  anybody  else. 
If  this  new  principle  has  vitality  enough  to  get 
itself  nationally  accepted  in  Mexico  and  Russia, 
even  for  a  short  time,  it  is  too  vital  for  us  to  im- 
agine that  we  can  stamp  it  back  into  the  earth, 
or  that  it  would  be  a  good  thing  for  the  world  if 
we  could. 

§ 

Mexico  is  the  particular  problem  of  the  United 
States,  though  we  are  by  no  means  going  to  be 
permitted  to  settle  it  without  reference  to  other 
great  nations.  England  and  Germany  both  have 
claims  against  Mexico,  arising  out  of  damages  done 
in  the  late  Carranzista  revolution,  which  they 
only  wait  until  a  little  less  occupied  to  press.  But 
the  danger  from  European  nations  that  threatens 
the  development  of  national  character  in  Mexico, 
is  not  nearly  so  great  as  that  which  she  fears  from 
our  friendly  attempt  to  develop  her  resources.  She 
fears  that  we  will  insist  on  repeating  the  very 
pattern  of  capital  and  wage  labor  against  which 
our  own  labor  class  protests. 

We  have  to  go  back  to  Mexico  before  Spain 
found  her,  to  understand  this  fear  and  its  justi- 
fication. At  that  time  Mexico  was  a  group  of 

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loosely  federated  tribal  states,  unequally  advanced, 
and  alike  only  in  being  of  the  same  race.  They 
did  not  speak  the  same  language,  and  their  laws 
and  religions  differed.  They  had  slavery  and  mili- 
tary caste,  and  a  highly  developed  craftsmanship. 
Wage  labor  they  did  not  have  at  all.  The  pattern  of 
their  social  life  was  communal;  they  built  huge 
temples,  and  had  a  symbolic  communal  drama 
connected  with  their  religion,  not  unlike  the  religious 
communism  of  ancient  Greece.  But  the  item  which, 
more  than  any  other,  differentiated  their  civiliza- 
tion from  ours  was  that  every  man  was  a  crafts- 
man; every  man  made  some  useful  and  beautiful 
thing,  and  craft  was  their  medium  of  communication. 

I  mean  that  the  pattern  of  blankets  and  pots 
and  feathered  robes  and  chiseled  stone  was  the 
Mexican's  way  of  expressing  his  inner  thought  of 
things.  This  was  the  case  in  a  much  more  practical 
and  explicit  sense  than  we  are  accustomed  to  think, 
and  it  was  his  only  method.  In  the  more  developed 
tribes  there  was  the  beginning  of  an  attempt  to  make 
patterns  and  pictures  into  a  written  language,  but  it 
was  no  more  than  a  beginning.  Four-fifths  of  ancient 
Mexico  had  no  method  of  communicating  the  things 
that  are  deeper  than  ordinary  speech,  except  in 
symbolic  drama  and  the  beautiful  patterns  with 
which  they  decorated  everything  they  made. 

Then  came  Spain  and  took  away  their  crafts  and 

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their  drama,  without  giving  them  any  better  mode 
of  communication.  Four-fifths  of  modern  Mexico 
cannot  read.  Spain  broke  up  their  natural 
communism  and  tried  without  success  to  make 
them  over  on  a  feudal  wage  system.  There  Mexico 
is  today,  with  her  original  pattern  of  social  life 
completely  shattered,  and  temperamentally  unable 
to  adjust  herself  to  the  wage  pattern;  her  original 
method  of  communication  lost,  and  intellectually 
unable  to  adopt  a  better  one.  Under  such  cir- 
cumstances, no  country  develops  rapidly.  Left 
to  themselves  for  a  hundred  years  or  so,  the  Mexican 
people  would  strike  root  again.  But  the  very  plain 
difficulty  is  that  they  cannot  be  so  left  to  them- 
selves. It  is  the  unavoidable  condition  of  World 
Democracy  that  no  people  can  ever  be  left  to  them- 
selves again. 

§ 

The  problem  of  Mexico  and  the  United  States 
is  very  much  the  problem  of  Europe  and  Russia. 
In  both  countries  we  have  a  native  people,  more  or 
less  dislocated  by  oppression,  struggling  to  take 
root.  In  both  countries  there  is  a  numerically 
small  class  of  advanced,  ultra-modern  leaders,  and 
a  great  mass  of  people  without  any  reliable  method 
of  communication.  In  both  countries  there  are 
vast  stores  of  natural  wealth  which  the  world 
needs,  and  contiguous  to  both  countries  are  highly 

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developed  modern  nations,  able  and  anxious  to 
handle  that  wealth  in  their  own  interests.  And  in 
both  we  have  new  principles  of  nationality  strug- 
gling for  expression,  with  which  we  are  neither 
temperamentally  nor  politically  in  sympathy. 

The  real  problem  in  Mexico  will  come  after  the 
war,  when  England  and  Germany  begin  to  collect 
their  claims.  For  the  moment,  good  will  and  a 
strict  adherence  to  our  own  avowed  principles  of 
World  Democracy  will  afford  Mexico  the  much 
needed  opportunity  to  regain  her  national  equi- 
librium. But  between  our  American  gesture  of 
good  will  and  drowning  Russia  lie  the  needs  and 
aims  of  both  Germany  and  Japan. 

§ 

The  problem  of  Germany  and  Japan  is  the  problem 
of  the  countries  whose  population  and  vitality 
have  outgrown  their  national  bounds.  This  excess 
population  has  to  be  accommodated  somewhere  on 
the  earth.  The  question  is,  shall  it  continue  to 
be  accommodated  as  parts  of  Japan  and  Germany? 
And  where  shall  room  for  such  national  extension 
be  found? 

We  have  an  example  in  China  of  a  nation  that 
produced  its  population  up  to  the  limit,  of  the  land, 
without  expanding.  The  result  was  three  thousand 
years  of  arrested  development.  In  England  we  have 
an  illustration  of  racial  expansion  with  only  moder- 

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ate  control  from  the  racial  center.  Curiously,  it  was 
the  United  States  that  set  the  key  for  Anglo-Saxon 
expansion,  by  teaching  England  the  limit  of  what 
could  be  enforced  on  her  colonies.  And  today  it  is 
practically  the  United  States  who  can,  if  she  will, 
determine  the  world's  final  policy  of  racial  expan- 
sion. 

We  shall  make  the  mistake  of  our  history  if  we  try 
to  decide  this  question  without  reference  to  that 
principle  of  nationality  which  was  explained  at  the 
beginning  of  this  chapter.  There  can  be  no  true 
and  progressive  nationality  in  which  the  land  does 
not  speak  equally  with  the  race.  In  the  great  Eng- 
lish-speaking nations,  Australia,  Canada,  the  United 
States,  the  land  speaks.  It  makes  strongly  differen- 
tiated and  profoundly  similar  peoples.  It  makes 
nations  well-balanced  between  the  father  and  moth- 
er principles  of  their  origin,  the  male  element  of 
race  and  the  mothering  element  of  land,  cradling 
and  nourishing. 

It  is  not  without  significance  that  Germans  every- 
where refer  to  the  original  home  of  their  race  as  the 
Fatherland.  The  whole  principle  of  nationalization 
among  Germans  is  a  denial  of  the  mother-right  of 
the  land.  It  is  an  attempt  to  found  states  on  the 
male  principle  only,  to  oppose  the  natural  modifica- 
tions of  lands  and  peoples  they  happen  to  live 
among,  and  remain  determinedly  German  Germans. 

106. 


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Where  the  Germans  enter  any  nation,  they  are 
taught  to  behave  toward  that  country's  social  ideal 
as  their  soldiers  do  to  women  of  conquered  countries; 
they  assault  or  seduce  it. 

I  believe  that  we  must  look  even  more  closely  at 
this  principle  of  nationality  than  we  have  yet  done, 
if  we  are  to  find  any  ground  of  decision  in  regard  to 
the  expansion  of  populous  nations,  for  I  do  not  think 
that  we  can  find  it  in  democracy.  Germany  might 
become  a  democracy;  but  if  her  people  continued  to 
resist  the  modifications  of  environment  in  favor  of  a 
Teutonic  ideal  of  life,  she  would  be  quite  as  much 
a  menace  to  the  world.  The  unregenerate  masculin- 
ity of  the  German  people  makes  it  possible  for  them 
to  discard  the  spiritual  elements  of  motherhood,  and 
produce  population  for  the  sole  purpose  of  German- 
izing the  world.  It  is  probable  that  we  make  too 
much  of  the  imperialistic  form  of  government  in 
Germany.  Without  a  Kaiser,  and  with  this  primi- 
tive maleness  of  mind  unaltered,  we  could  not  see 
Germans  going  into  Russia  without  knowing  that  it 
would  mean  death  to  whatever  contribution  to  civ- 
ilization we  have  a  right  to  expect  from  the  Russian 
soil. 

The  Russian  Empire,  as  it  existed  before  the  war, 
was  a  patchwork  of  nationalities  and  national  rem- 
nants. We  can  never  think  of  it  coming  back  under 
one  rule  again.  By  any  just,  natural  solution,  it 

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would  come  together  as  a  group  of  federated  states, 
similar  to,  if  not  so  united  as  the  United  States  of 
America.  When  German  imperialism  is  defeated, 
that  is  what  will  happen  in  European  Russia.  It 
toil!  happen  as  soon  as  the  American  people  learn  to 
communicate  with  the  Russian  people.  We  tried  to 
communicate  with  them  through  envoys  and  minis- 
ters, with  tragic,  irrecoverable  results. 

There  is  not  a  hopeless  spiritual  gap  between  the 
mass  of  Americans  and  the  Russian  masses.  But  be- 
fore we  can  reach  the  Russian  people,  the  whole  of 
our  thinking  about  them  has  to  take  a  right-about 
turn.  We  have  always  been  thinking  of  Russia  as 
a  place  to  be  approached  through  Europe.  We  have 
to  face  it  now  across  Asia.  We  not  only  have  to  ap- 
proach Russia  through  what  is  Oriental  in  her 
thought,  but  through  what  is  Asiatic  in  her  geog- 
raphy and  politics.  And  Asia  is  the  thinnest  ice  in 
the  political  world. 

Germany  is  much  less  of  a  problem.  We  can  take 
the  measure  of  Germany  and  eventually,  if  not  now, 
overmatch  it.  We  can  safely  trust  what  our  minis- 
ters and  departmental  heads  tell  us  about  Germany. 
We  cannot  place  any  such  dependence  on  what 
they  tell  us  about  Russia,  not  because  they  are  not 
dependable,  but  because,  being  at  the  very  top  of 
our  politics,  they  are  furthest  from  the  vital  ele- 
ment, which  in  Russia  is  very  close  to  the  ground. 

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The  best  thing  the  heads  of  our  Government  could 
do  would  be  to  make  it  possible  for  our  people  to 
get  together  with  the  Russians  and  exchange  ex- 
periences. 

The  greatest  bar  to  such  exchanges  is  that  the 
American  people  understand  almost  nothing  of 
the  country  across  which  we  have  to  get  together. 
Between  us  there  is  India,  China,  Japan.  In  India 
and  China  we  have  old  civilizations  in  a  state  of 
disintegration.  And  no  one  knows,  at  least  no 
one  has  said  with  such  authority  and  clearness 
that  a  self-respecting  mind  is  obliged  to  accept  it, 
whether  these  old  peoples  are  crumbling  into  dust, 
or  whether  what  is  going  on  there  is  the  rotting 
of  a  husk  around  a  young  new  sprout.  If  Germany 
should  move  on,  over  prostrate  Russia,  nobody 
knows  whether  Asia  would  stop  her,  or  whether 
Asiatic  peoples  would  crumble  and  enrich  the 
soil  for  Germany  to  take  root. 

About  Japan  we  know  more,  enough  to  be  sure 
of  her  vitality  and  her  power  to  oppose  Germany 
if  she  chose.  But  we  do  not  know  what  she  will 
choose.  We  fear  an  alliance  between  Germany 
and  Japan.  We  fear  an  attack  by  Japan  and  Ger- 
many upon  our  coasts.  Politically  speaking,  this 
possibility  is  one  of  the  most  urgent  reasons  for 
pushing  the  war  against  Germany  in  France. 

The    political    reasons    for    fearing    an    alliance 

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between  Germany  and  Japan  are  first,  the  similarity 
of  their  forms  of  government,  both  being  imperial- 
istic. Secondly,  they  are  alike  in  being  populous 
countries  that  have  outgrown  their  territories  and 
are  looking  for  opportunities  of  expansion.  If 
Germany  and  Japan  should  agree  to  expand  in 
Asia  until  they  meet  across  Russia  and  China, 
it  would  be  a  very  difficult  matter  to  stop  them. 
If  they  chose  to  unite  and  cross  the  Pacific  to  the 
unprotected  American  coast  it  would  be  still  more 
serious.  Politically  speaking,  the  most  important 
thing  for  America  in  this  war  is  to  prevent  any- 
thing of  the  kind  happening. 

§ 

But  the  United  States  is  not  trying  to  speak 
and  act  politically  at  the  present  time.  We  are 
trying  to  speak  and  act  world-democratically.  That 
is  what  is  behind  President  Wilson's  Russian 
policy.  He  is  trying  to  get  away  from  the  old, 
politically  centered  point  of  view  and  find  new 
terms  for  a  new  way  of  looking  at  things.  There 
is  Japan,  the  dominant  nation  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Pacific,  as  we  are  on  this.  If  we  do  not 
wish  to  drive  her  to  Germany,  we  must  not  decide 
against  her  on  account  of  the  form  of  her  govern- 
ment. There  are  some  very  significant  differences 
between  imperialism  in  Germany  and  in  Japan. 

The  German  Emperor  is  the  over-lord  of  his 

no 


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people,  their  personal  leader.  He  is  thought  of,  and 
thinks  of  himself,  as  a  super-German  who  does 
everything  a  German  would  do,  govern,  fight  and 
philosophize,  better  than  any  other  German.  He 
thinks  Divine  Power  has  descended  on  him  from 
Heaven,  and  says  so.  That  is  the  German  idea 
of  imperial  government,  a  super-man  attracting 
Divine  Power  as  a  lightning  rod  attracts  lightning. 

The  Emperor  of  Japan  is  not  a  super-Japanese, 
but  a  symbol  of  the  secret  flame  that  lights  the 
soul  of  Japan.  He  is  more  like  what  the  Ark  of 
the  Covenant  was  to  the  Hebrews.  He  is  the  sign 
of  sovereignty,  very  much  as  the  King  of  England 
is,  but  in  a  more  intimate  and  mystic  way.  England, 
with  a  King  who  is  also  the  Emperor  of  India,  suc- 
ceeds in  being  intensely  democratic,  and  Japan 
with  an  Emperor  who  is  sacred,  has  something 
in  her  national  make-up  that  is  far  more  akin  to 
America  and  England  than  it  is  to  Germany. 

This  something  is  in  the  group  consciousness 
of  the  Japanese  people.  Every  Japanese  is  much 
more  Japanese  than  any  German  is  Teutonic, 
because  the  group  consciousness  is  so  much  more  a 
matter  of  racial  spirit  than  of  political  allegiance. 
The  allegiance  of  the  German  is  toward  German 
Kultur;  he  is  carefully  educated  into  it  from  his 
youth  up.  If  you  succeed  in  detaching  a  German 
from  his  Kultur ',  he  can  become  a  thoroughly  sound 

in 


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American.  Germanism  is  much  more  in  his  mind 
than  in  his  soul. 

But  there  is  always  part  of  the  soul  of  every 
Japanese  which  never  quite  emerges  from  the  soul 
of  his  nation.  That  is  why  you  can  never  be  quite 
intimate  with  him,  never  completely  take  his 
soul  with  yours.  That  is  why  it  is  possible  for  the 
Japanese  to  adopt  the  manners  and  customs  of  any 
country,  and  be  at  home  in  any  form  of  govern- 
ment. It  is  because  nationality  in  Japan  is  an 
expression  of  spiritual  unity  that  is  much  more 
absolute  and  democratic  than  anything  we  have 
achieved  under  a  democratic  form.  The  Japanese 
is  easily  a  citizen  of  the  world,  but  the  German  to 
be  happy  has  to  set  up  a  little  imitation  Germany. 
Japan  is  so  democratic  that  it  can  accept  differences 
in  rank  and  class  as  simply  as  the  army  accepts 
differences  in  rank  and  uniform,  as  a  part  of  the 
business  of  becoming  more  completely  an  army. 
The  Government  of  Japan  is  thought  of  as  sacred 
because  the  soul  of  a  people  is  sacred,  which  is 
very  different  from  the  childish  Teutonic  notion 
of  a  King  so  big  and  important  that  God  confers 
divinity  on  him  like  a  medal. 

We  have  to  get  hold  of  simple  deep-seated  things 
like  this,  for  it  is  quite  impossible  for  the  average 
citizen  to  understand  the  situation  in  the  far  East 
with  ordinary  political  intelligence.  The  East,  as 


THE  YOUNG  WOMAN  CITIZEN 

Mr.  Kipling  has  told  us,  is  too  old  and  there  is 
too  much  of  her.  What  it  all  comes  to  is  this,  that 
there  is  more  spiritual  affinity  and  more  democracy 
between  us  and  England  and  the  Japanese,  than 
there  is  between  the  Japanese  and  Germany.  If, 
through  political  jealousy  or  lack  of  understanding, 
we  drive  Japan  into  coalition  with  Germany,  we 
have  only  ourselves  to  thank  for  it.  It  is  for  us  to 
say  whether  we  shall  have  an  ally  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Pacific,  or  an  enemy. 

As  the  matter  stands  there  is  but  one  possibility 
of  serious  disagreement  between  the  United  States 
and  Japan,  and  that  is  the  question  of  her  ex- 
pansion in  either  China  or  Siberia.  That  there 
will  be  expansion  of  Japanese  influence  is  inevitable. 
Whether  it  shall  be  territorial  and  political,  or 
merely  cultural  and  commercial,  depends  on  whether 
there  is  a  valid  new  political  life  in  China  or  in 
Siberia  to  oppose  annexation  successfully. 

Officially,  the  right  of  any  people  to  claim  ex- 
emption from  conquest  is  grounded  on  their 
capacity  of  development.  Such  capacity  must  not 
lie  at  the  mercy  of  the  greed  or  vanity  of  another 
nation,  but  must  be  attested  in  the  court  of  the 
world.  There  are  such  things  as  sick  nations,  na- 
tions whose  racial  principle  has  rotted  out  and 
whose  countenance  is  a  menace  to  healthier  peoples. 
The  only  chance  such  peoples  have  to  make  their 

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contribution  is  that  they  be  grafted  into  sounder 
stock. 

Whether  China  shall  come  to  be  recognized  as 
"the  sick  man"  of  Asia  as  Turkey  is  of  Europe,  it 
is  not  possible  yet  to  say.  Her  old  civilization  is 
dropping  in  the  dust,  but  whether  there  lives  in 
its  ashes  any  spark  is  for  China  to  prove.  The 
development  of  Democracy  in  China  will  auto- 
matically determine  whether  we  are  to  be  in  the 
future  confronted  with  a  Japanese  empire  or  an 
Asiatic  Federation  of  nations. 

§ 

That  is  the  problem  in  regard  to  the  expansion  of 
Germany  and  Japan  in  Europe  and  Asia.  But 
when  we  begin  to  think  of  their  possible  expansion 
in  some  other  part  of  the  world,  we  are  involved 
in  the  huge  and  costly  problem  of  Africa. 

Few  Americans  have  thought  much  of  Africa; 
even  less  have  they  thought  of  it  as  something 
that  the  United  States  will  have  to  take  an  interest 
in.  But  Africa  is  interesting  for  two  reasons.  It 
offers  the  only  large  tracts  of  unsettled  country 
not  actually  preempted  by  civilized  powers.  It 
offers  also  the  only  supply  of  a  cheap  cannon  fodder. 
Africa  has  a  vast  native  population  of  a  very  low 
order  of  mentality,  but  a  high  order  of  physique. 
Africans  make  good  soldiers.  If  any  militaristic 
nation  got  a  footing  there,  a  most  terrible  engine 

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of  warfare  could  be  shaped  out  of  the  negro  popula- 
tion, and  it  could  go  on  almost  unobserved.  White 
civilization  does  not  penetrate  very  far  inland  from 
the  coast.  ~^ 

Africa  is  the  item  the  pacifists  leave  out  of  calcu- 
lation. Everybody,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  Germany,  is  hoping  for  disarmament  by  inter- 
national agreement.  But  even  with  Germany  agree- 
ing, and  with  ostensible  disarmament  at  Berlin, 
how  could  the  world  be  sure  of  what  might  be  going 
on  in  this  huge  back  room  of  African  colonies? 
It  might  go  on  under  pretense  of  trade  or  of  mis- 
sionary effort,  under  the  cover  of  Kultur,  the  gar- 
ment that  hides  so  many  offenses  against  civili- 
zation. To  put  Africa  in  ward  to  a  league  of  nations 
will  be  an  expensive  business,  for  we  do  not  only 
fight  German  arms,  but  German  thinking.  Our 
one  hope  is  to  establish  the  claim  of  the  land  as 
basic  and  superior  to  political  affiliations,  and  to 
insist  that  Germans  in  Africa  shall  become  Africans 
as  Englishmen  in  Australia  became  Australians, 
and  in  Canada,  Canadians.  Otherwise,  those  spaces 
that  used  to  be  black  on  the  map  of  Africa  are  still 
black  with  menace  to  the  peace  of  the  world. 

What  we  are  going  to  do  about  the  problems  of 
the  great  nations,  as  well  as  the  demand  of  small 
nations  for  self-determination,  depends  on  two  issues. 

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It  depends,  first,  on  the  degree  to  which  Allied 
armies  establish  a  military  advantage  in  Europe. 
Secondly,  it  depends  on  our  being  able  to  forge  a 
suitable  instrument  of  internationalism  to  take  the 
place  of  war.  We  have  tried  international  banking, 
international  trade  and  international  religion.  But 
war  is  the  only  instrument  with  which  we  have 
yet  been  able  to  force  an  international  conclusion. 
Disarmament  is  important  to  a  world  democracy 
only  as  a  release  from  strain  and  from  liability  to 
sudden  disturbance.  It  would  be  quite  possible 
to  have  a  democracy  of  armed  nations,  but  it  would 
be  unnecessarily  expensive.  The  presence  in  a 
league  of  pacific  nations  of  any  one  nation  always 
thinking  of  war  and  rehearsing  for  war,  would  be 
a  source  of  uneasiness.  Universal  disarmament  is 
a  measure  of  precaution,  but  not  a  necessity  of  world 
politics.  Try  to  see  this  as  a  simple  fact,  rid  of 
militaristic  or  anti-militaristic  emotion. 

Because,  after  the  fighting  is  over,  that  is  proba- 
bly what  we  are  going  to  have  for  a  long  time, 
an  armed  democracy.  Even  with  Germany  reduced 
to  reasonableness,  we  must  not  hope  for  a  swift 
return  to  the  short-sighted  certainties  of  1914. 
Immediately  on  the  cessation  of  hostilities  there 
will  begin  to  sit  in  some  neutral  city  a  conference 
of  nations,  in  which  every  one  now  at  war  will  be 
directly,  and  every  other  one  indirectly,  represented. 

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Meantime,  there  will  be  long  waits  of  armies  on 
inactive  fronts  while  the  nations  test  the  quality 
of  one  another's  sincerity.  There  will  be  councils 
begun  and  broken  off  with  threatening  gestures, 
kings  recalled  from  peace  conferences  to  be  deposed, 
and  delegates  suddenly  finding  themselves  repre- 
sentatives of  divided  nations.  Outside  there  will 
be  a  ring  of  neutrals,  most  of  whom  have  not  been 
touched  at  all  with  the  fire  of  the  world-spirit, 
each  grabbing  at  some  private  advantage.  And 
as  the  world  disturbance  dies  down  the  coasts  of 
all  the  continents,  who  can  say  in  what  far  called 
places  our  men  will  be  called  to  fight  for  the  principle 
for  which  they  first  went  to  war? 

Pacifists  and  sentimental  internationalists  can  do 
us  an  immense  amount  of  harm  by  insisting  that 
we  are  fighting  to  stop  the  fight.  We  are  fighting 
to  finish  it.  The  infinitely  complicated  problem 
of  the  small  nations  is  only  secondarily  a  problem 
of  how  difficulties  shall  be  settled  when  they  occur. 
It  is  first  of  all  a  problem  of  how  they  shall  live  to- 
gether in  the  future  so  that  the  fewest  possible 
difficulties  shall  arise. 


117 


VIII 

HUMAN  life  comes  up  like  a  great  vine,  the 
secret  of  whose  growth  is  underground.  It 
produces  races  like  leaves,  and  civilization  like  a 
flower  that  drops  off  and  leaves  the  fruit  of  its 
experience  in  history.  It  produced  forgotten  Baby- 
lon and  Egypt,  Greece,  so  mellow  and  golden, 
and  Rome  whose  fruit  turned  acid  at  the  last. 
It  produces  America  from  a  broken  shoot  of  Europe, 
rooted  in  the  soil  of  a  new  continent.  This  is  not  a 
mere  poetic  fancy.  It  is  a  statement  so  vital  to 
our  understanding  of  life  that  it  can  only  be  made 
in  terms  of  other  life. 

The  new  growth  of  the  race  is  always  from  the 
ground,  from  hidden  and  incalculable  forces.  When 
it  comes  up  on  a  new  land  as  ours  did,  it  incommodes 
nobody;  its  evolution  is  watched  by  the  world  as 
interesting  and  marvelous.  When  it  comes  up  in 
a  long  and  thickly  settled  country,  crushed  and 
stamped  upon,  its  final  appearance  as  a  true  vine 
is  called  revolution.  You  must  get  a  firm  hold  on 
this  distinction  if  you  are  to  understand  the  social 
forces  at  work  in  the  world  today. 

We  had  a  revolution  in  the  United  States  by 

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which  we  threw  off  the  smother  of  European  in- 
fluences. After  that  we  made  no  trouble  for  anybody 
but  ourselves.  Neither  did  Australia  make  any 
trouble.  But  the  Australians  were  originally  English, 
and  if  they  had  undertaken  in  England  to  set  up 
their  special  conditions  of  democracy,  votes  for 
women,  government  ownership  and  the  rest,  it 
would  have  been  a  bloody  and  bitter  business. 
Or  if  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
had  gone  on  living  in  London  and  insisting  on  a 
President,  and  representative  government  in  place 
of  a  King,  would  they  not  all  have  "hanged  separate- 
ly," as  one  of  them  said? 

We  do  not  know  a  great  deal  about  human  Me, 
but  these  two  things  seem  certain:  the  principle 
of  life  is  inexhaustible,  and  it  continues  to  produce 
from  the  earth  upward.  We  do  not  yet  know  whether 
it  is  inevitable  that  all  high  types  of  civilization 
must  drop  off  the  vine,  after  reaching  a  certain 
stage  of  development.  That  they  have  so  dropped 
and  died  in  the  past  may  be  due  to  the  stoppage 
of  their  own  growth  at  the  top.  But  wherever  they 
have  opposed  the  growth  from  beneath,  they  have 
died  violently.  That  is  what  happened  recently 
in  Mexico.  There,  three  hundred  years  ago,  Spanish 
rule  was  laid  across  the  strong  young  tribes  like 
a  stone  over  a  sprouting  tree,  which,  coming  up 
slanting  and  awry,  lifts  the  stone.  That  there  have 

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been  venomous  biting  and  stinging  things  exposed 
by  the  lift  is  to  have  been  expected.  That  is  the 
sort  of  thing  that  always  hatches  under  a  govern- 
ment pressed  down  on  the  people  from  above. 
There  were  basilisks  under  the  stone  of  feudal 
France  that  bit  off  heads  by  baskets-full. 

Pressure  of  gro'wth  from  below  and  pressure  of 
fixity  from  above  are  always  going  on  somewhere 
in  the  world.  When  the  upper  classes  of  any  coun- 
try— and  by  upper  classes  I  mean  the  classes  that 
have  had  the  greatest  success  in  overcoming  the 
difficulties  of  existence,  hunger,  cold  and  houseless- 
ness — when  those  classes  have  an  elasticity  about 
equal  to  the  natural  upthrust,  then  that  country 
is  in  a  state  of  prosperous  evolution.  But  when 
life  bubbles  up  against  an  inelastic  crust,  the  process 
of  adjustment  is  called  revolution. 

AH  the  world  just  now  is  in  a  state  of  revolution; 
in  America,  as  elsewhere,  except  that  in  the  United 
States  it  is  not  yet  bloody  or  embittered.  What  is 
taking  place  now  in  the  interest  of  war  organization, 
delivering  mines,  food  and  transportation  to  govern- 
ment control,  is  revolutionary  in  character.  To 
attain  this  much  discussed  political  change  by 
ordinary  peaceful  evolution  would  have  required 
years.  Even  as  a  war  measure,  it  could  hardly  have 
been  accomplished  with  so  little  protest,  unless  it 
had  been  in  line  with  the  general  drift  of  American 

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politics.  But  to  know  how  either  the  war  or  Wash- 
ington are  coming  out,  we  must  watch  the  new 
growth  pushing  up  from  the  ground.  It  is  the  line 
of  contact  of  these  two  pressures  that  is  the  danger 
line. 

Every  one  is  more  or  less  familiar  with  a  move- 
ment up  from  the  very  bottom  of  our  social  life. 
We  hear  it  referred  to  in  various  keys  of  hope  and 
anxiety  as  the  Social  Revolution.  Most  Americans 
are  vaguely  sympathetic,  and  indirectly  troubled 
by  the  friction  of  it  against  their  immediate  interests. 

If  this  were  not  so — this  slow  and  not  very  intel- 
ligent spread  of  sympathy — labor  would  be  much 
more  of  a  problem  than  it  is;  and  if  it  were  not  also 
recognized  as  a  world  problem,  it  would  be,  for 
America,  the  sooner  settled.  But  being  a  world 
problem,  subject  to  the  pull  of  other  national 
tides,  we  cannot  understand  even  that  part  of.  it 
which  is  going  on  within  our  own  national  life, 
without  penetrating  a  little  deeper  into  world 
structure. 

§ 

Very  early  in  life  we  find  human  society  taking 
a  pattern  which  seems  to  lie  so  close  to  the  heart 
of  life  that  we  have  never  got  wholly  rid  of  it. 
This  is  the  pattern  called  totemic,  which  I  shall 
have  to  define  rather  explicitly. 

The  totem  pattern  is  a  system  of  group  organiza- 

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tion,  in  which  every  individual  in  the  group,  as 
well  as  the  group  itself,  is  known  by  its  symbol, 
usually  an  animal:  the  great  turtle,  the  eagle,  the 
wolf.  People  who  have  the  same  totem  have  a 
relation  to  one  another  which  is  closer  than  any 
other  known  relation.  It  is  closer  than  the  tribe 
or  the  family.  Two  men  of  different  tribes  and 
the  same  totem  are  nearer  akin  than  two  men  of 
the  same  tribe  with  different  totems.  A  man  and 
his  son,  having  always  different  totems,  do  not 
tell  one  another  totem  secrets.  There  were  other 
regulations  and  distinctions  in  primitive  totemism, 
but  these  are  of  political  significance. 

Anthropologists  agree  that  the  totem  of  a  group 
represented  the  life  principle  of  that  group.  Eagle 
men  were  supposed  to  take  their  life  from  the 
eagle,  wolf  men  from  the  wolf,  and  this  derivation 
of  life  from  the  totem  established  kinship.  This 
relation  went  even  further  back  through  the  life 
of  the  individual  to  the  totem,  and  through  the 
totem  to  the  All-life,  God,  the  Great  Spirit.  By 
the  use  of  his  totem  a  man  reached  up  to  the  All- 
life  and  reinforced  his  own. 

This  totem  pattern  seems  to  have  prevailed 
pretty  much  all  over  the  earth.  But  it  is  not  to  be 
thought  of  as  referring  only  to  savage  life.  It  is 
a  pattern  that  keeps  recurring  in  human  history, 
a  pattern  of  men  united  by  a  common  relationship 

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to  the  All-life,  a  grouping  more  fundamental  than 
either  the  family  or  the  nation. 

This  is  the  pattern  of  most  religions.  It  is  the 
pattern  of  early  Christianity.  A  man  accepted 
Jesus  as  the  expression  of  the  All-life,  and  a  source 
of  life  more  abundant  in  himself.  Immediately  he 
was  related  to  all  other  men  who  confessed  Jesus. 
A  Jew  and  a  Gentile  who  were  both  Christians 
came  closer  together  than  two  Jews  or  two  Gentiles 
who  were  not.  And  this  totemic  pattern  of  kinship 
through  an  idea  of  Allness,  which  repeats  itself  in 
history — this  is  the  pattern  of  the  Social  Revolution, 
the  pattern  of  the  new,  swift  change  which  is  coming 
over  all  our  politics.  <->'!  -*  '••*,, 

Not  everybody  sees  it  so,  perhaps  because  the 
idea  which  is  back  of  the  revolution  is  nowhere 
clearly  expressed.  It  is  in  its  best  phase  called 
Democracy,  but  many  things  are  called  Democracy. 
In  calling  it  so,  probably  something  very  different 
is  meant  from  your  idea  of  Democracy  or  mine. 
Anarchism,  Socialism  and  Internationalism  are  names 
descriptive  of  the  way  in  which  some  people  think 
the  thing  will  work,  rather  than  descriptive  of  the 
idea  itself.  Pacifism  is  simply  one  little  sprig  of 
the  idea,  and  Bolshevikism  is  a  name  for  one  of 
its  manifestations.  Perhaps  I.  W.  W.  is  another, 
or  perhaps  this  is  one  of  the  fanged  things  that 
have  hatched  under  the  stone.  Social  Democracy 

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Is  the  most  inclusive  term  that  has  yet  been  invented, 
though  when  I  use  it  for  the  new  order,  you  must 
not  confound  it  with  any  party  or  propaganda 
now  in  the  field.  Whatever  its  name,  the  things 
to  remember  about  the  new  movement  are  that  it 
comes  from  close  to  the  ground  and  is  totemic  in 
character.  It  professes  a  more  fundamental  kinship 
than  nationality  or  political  constitutions. 

Because  of  its,  totemic  and  sub-national  char- 
acter, the  new  movement  appears  as  the  growing 
tip  of  an  entirely  new  concept  of  political  life,  as 
different  from  ours  as  ours  in  1776  was  different 
from  the  political  life  of  the  old  world.  I  see  it  as 
having  the  same  right  to  exist  and  grow,  and  danger- 
ous to  our  society  only  as  it  is  trodden  upon  and 
oppressed.  Therefore  I  see  it  as  better  for  us  to 
encourage  it  to  come  to  its  normal  growth  in  some 
country  where  it  is  native  to  the  genius  of  the 
people,  as  in  Russia  or  Mexico,  where  it  will  deeply 
root  and  attract  its  own  out  of  all  the  nations, 
just  as  the  United  States  of  America  drew  its  own 
from  the  outermost  rim  of  the  world.  Its  own 
will  probably  not  be  wholly  proletariat.  It  will 
draw  labor  and  science  and  art,  all  the  components 
of  a  normal  national  life,  and  will  proceed  to  arrange 
these  things  around  its  native  principle  of  national- 
ity in  its  own  order.  And  so  doing,  it  will  draw 
off  from  our  special  political  order  elements  that 

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tend  to  prevent  our  coming  to  the  flower  and  fruit 
of  our  social  genius. 

To  think  of  the  new  movement,  as  many  do,  as 
Internationalism,  a  movement  to  abolish  national 
boundaries,  is  to  interpret  its  appearance  in  all 
countries  very  superficially.  There  is  a  certain 
amount  of  coincidence  in  the  prevalence  of  revolu- 
tionary movements  throughout  the  nations  of  the 
world,  coincidence  that  is  helped  by  the  wide 
dissemination  of  news  and  sympathetic  contagion. 
Not  every  outbreak  is  a  valid  one;  it  could  only  be 
imagined  to  be  such  by  people  who  habitually  mis- 
take noise  for  power,  and  think  every  exhibition  of 
activity  a  manifestation  of  life.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  death  and  degeneracy  both  register  as  activity. 
But  whether  by  the  decay  of  old  political  forms  or 
the  inventions  of  new,  it  is  important  to  discover 
to  what  extent  the  American  nation  is  involved 
in  this  struggle  of  a  new  point  of  view  to  get  itself 
naturally  expressed. 

In  America  the  force  of  this  new  movement 
has  been  generally  recognized  as  the  unrest  of 
labor.  But  though  the  movement  is  expressed  in 
the  laboring  classes  everywhere,  I  think  it  can  be 
shown  that  this  is  because  the  laboring  classes  are 
closer  to  the  ground,  and  not  because  it  is  exclusively 
a  labor  movement.  I  am  aware  that  this  is  not  the 
usual  view,  but  if  we  can  even  divide  the  movement 

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toward  Social  Democracy  into  the  elements  that 
are  expressed  in  labor,  and  those  that  are  expressed 
some  other  way,  it  will  be  helpful. 

We  speak  of  the  Unrest  of  Labor.  What  we 
really  mean  is  the  unrest  of  wage- working  men 
and  women.  There  is  more  than  the  difference 
of  words  in  this  distinction.  There  is  in  it  the 
story  of  our  late  discovery  that  labor  cannot  be 
separated  from  men.  With  the  rapid  development 
of  industry  and  commerce,  we  have  gone  on 
thinking  of  labor  as  something  that  can  be  bought 
and  sold,  like  salt  or  silk.  We  talk  of  the  "labor 
market";  we  buy  cheap,  and  force  down  the 
market  by  artificial  devices.  When  the  price  of 
labor  is  low,  we  try  to  buy  a  great  deal  of  it, 
binding  the  sale  by  contract  against  the  rise  of 
prices.  We  send  abroad  for  "cheap"  labor. 

If  there  were  any  such  thing  as  an  historical 
study  of  wage-working  as  a  social  invention,  it 
would  show  us  that  most  of  our  ways  of  thinking 
of  labor,  and  all  of  our  ways  of  speaking  of  it,  are 
derived.  They  go  back  to  the  time  when  labor  was 
the  service  of  conquered  people,  people  not  we, 
but  they,  a  class  apart,  living  among  us,  but  never 
us.  We  got  into  the  way  of  speaking  of  the  labor 
market  naturally,  because  there  was  such  a  market. 
We  bought  and  sold  labor  then  by  selling  men  and 
women.  It  is  only  in  the  last  fifty  or  sixty  years, 

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since  we  stopped  selling  men,  that  we  have  dis- 
covered that  labor  is  not  a  commodity.  It  cannot 
be  disassociated  from  men  and  their  welfare.  Hand- 
labor  is  the  contribution  made  by  a  certain  group 
of  men  to  the  advancement  of  civilization.  Wage- 
payment  is  our  way  of  recompensing  this  contri- 
bution. These  are  the  things  you  must  start  with 
before  considering  whether  or  not  it  is  the  best 
way. 

Another  way  of  speaking  of  labor,  which  dates 
back  to  the  beginning  of  industrialism  in  Europe, 
is  to  estimate  the  cost  of  particular  labor  to  a  given 
producer,  as  its  cost  to  society.  We  thought  of 
labor  on  the  Po  or  the  Danube  as  being  cheaper 
than  ours  because  a  given  item  of  it  could  be  bought 
for  a  smaller  wage.  But  when  we  brought  that 
labor  to  America,  we  discovered  that  it  was  only 
"cheap"  over  there,  because  in  Italy  or  Poland 
it  cost  less  to  produce.  That  is,  it  cost  less  to  pro- 
duce and  sustain  a  man. 

Perhaps  the  type  of  laborer  we  thought  it  neces- 
sary to  produce  in  America  had  something  to  do 
with  his  expensiveness,  for  we  had  not  only  to 
make  a  laboring  man  of  him;  we  had  to  make  a 
citizen.  To  find  what  this  man  cost  society,  we 
have  to  add  to  the  items  of  his  bringing-up,  his 
schooling,  and  his  up-keep,  not  only  during  his 
labor-producing  period,  but  past  it.  And  we  have 

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to  add  to  all  these  the  mother-energy  that  goes  to 
the  making  of  a  man,  not  only  the  upbringing  and 
educating  of  the  mother,  but  the  cost  of  all  the 
life  that  cannot  be  brought  to  adulthood.  It  is 
our  slowly  widening  appreciation  of  the  necessity 
of  including  the  cost  of  all  these  things  in  the  wage 
of  labor  that  has  brought  up  the  price  to  the  indi- 
vidual employer. 

But  even  as  we  give  expression  to  our  sense  of 
this  necessity,  we  betray  another  of  our  traditional 
ways  of  thinking  of  wage-working  people.  We 
think  of  them  as  possessing  a  class  stability,  which 
establishes  them  as  inferior  in  their  capacity  for 
dealing  with  the  problems  of  existence.  We  think 
of  them  as  though  they  were  wards  of  society  and 
we  their  guardians. 

This  attitude  is  not  without  some  foundation 
in  history,  and  the  rather  recent  development  of 
self-determination  among  the  labor  classes.  It 
has  some  excuse  in  the  perpetual  fact  that  all 
parts  of  society  do  not  move  forward  at  the  same 
rate.  There  is  always  an  obligation  on  the  part  of 
the  more  swiftly  moving  not  to  create  a  gap  in 
the  procession.  But  the  mistake  is  in  our  taking 
for  granted  that  it  is  the  wage-worker  who  tails 
the  procession.  We  keep  his  welfare  on  the  basis 
of  patronage,  by  leaving  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
employer  to  determine  the  condition  of  light,  air 

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and  general  well-being  under  which  labor  is  per- 
formed. It  is  even  possible  to  find  people  pro- 
testing against  paying  more  than  a  bare  living 
wage,  on  the  ground  that  the  wage-worker  does 
not  know  how  to  spend  money  wisely. 

All  these  various  ways  of  thinking  about  labor 
are  expressly  denied  by  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  some  of  them  are  contradicted 
by  the  laws  and  by  general  practice.  Once  a  man 
gets  out  of  the  wage-working  class,  we  do  not 
hold  it  against  him.  The  fact  that  so  many  do 
get  out,  to  become  artists,  scientists,  manufacturers, 
is  evidence  enough  that  we  do  not  actually  handle 
wage-working  as  an  inherent  handicap. 

What  we  do  is  to  establish  by  our  system  of 
wage  payment  an  economic  handicap.  If  a  man 
struggles  out  of  wage-working  into  something  else, 
there  is  a  chance  for  him  to  go  on  even  to  being 
a  millionaire  or  President,  but  he  cannot  be  a  wage- 
worker  and  be  anything  else  at  the  same  time.  I  have 
emphasized  this  point  because  I  believe  it  to 
be  the  core  of  the  difficulty.  It  is  the  item  on  which 
we,  as  well  as  the  wage- workers,  "lose  out." 

If  you  will  examine  the  great  personal  contri- 
butions to  civilization — chloroform,  for  example, 
which  was  the  greatest  single  contribution  to  the 
mastery  of  pain — you  will  be  surprised  to  find  how 
many  of  them  are  made  in  hours  spared  from  very 

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commonplace  occupations.  Almost  every  man 
has  some  spark  in  him,  but  the  conditions  of  wage- 
working  in  the  United  States  are  such  that,  if  a 
working-man  is  to  nourish  the  spark,  he  must  find 
another  occupation.  We  have  no  door  leading  out 
of  the  labor  class  by  which  the  genius  may  walk 
to  his  predestined  task;  we  compel  him  to  scramble 
over  the  wall. 

Politically,  the  most  objectionable  feature  of  our 
system  of  paying  for  hand-work  with  a  daily  or 
weekly  wage  is  that  it  tends  to  establish  this  un- 
desirable fixity  of  class.  All  that  is  necessary  to 
create  inherent  class  distinction  is  to  compel  each 
young  generation,  as  it  comes  along,  to  walk  in 
the  steps  of  its  parents.  When  this  has  continued 
for  a  few  hundred  years,  we  have  the  very  thing 
that  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic  labored  to  avoid. 
To  just  the  extent  that  the  working-man's  wages 
make  it  impossible  for  him  to  train  his  children  for 
any  calling  for  which  they  may  be  better  suited,  is 
he  obliged  to  make  wage-workers  of  them.  Since 
the  more  intelligent  of  the  wage-workers  see  this 
as  clearly  as  any  sociologist  could  set  it  forth, 
what  we  have  finally  is  an  un-American  class 
consolidation  and  class  antagonism. 

On  the  one  hand,  we  have  the  people  who  are 
born  with  positions  which  enable  them  to  take 
their  compensation  as  ' 'profits";  and  on  the  other, 

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held  there  by  the  obscure  pull  of  centuries  of 
slaveholding,  Lord-of-the-Manor  thinking,  those  who 
take  their  pay  in  wages.  Between  them  we  have  a 
common  social  necessity  for  finding  some  method 
of  handling  labor  which  will  save  to  society  the 
utmost  worth  of  every  individual  citizen. 

The  labor  classes,  in  attempting  a  solution,  show 
themselves  more  or  less  conditioned  in  their  think- 
ing by  the  time  clock  and  the  whistle.  They  pro- 
pose a  universal  compulsory  labor  day  of  six  or 
four  hours  with  an  increasing  demand  for  more 
wages,  more  wages,  and  then  more  wages;  or  they 
rest  the  solution  on  some  sort  of  mechanical  dis- 
tribution of  the  wealth  created  by  labor,  socialism 
or  profit-sharing. 

§ 

Among  the  socalled  intellectuals,  there  is  a 
growing  disposition  to  treat  the  labor  problem  as 
a  problem  in  the  minimizing  of  labor,  almost  to 
the  point  of  its  disappearance.  By  applying  engineer- 
ing intelligence  to  necessary  processes,  and  by 
increasing  the  rewards  of  dangerous  or  disagreeable 
work,  it  is  expected  that  physical  labor  shall  come 
to  take  a  secondary  place  in  the  constitution  of 
society,  just  as  the  business  of  getting  himself 
transported  from  his  house  in  Brooklyn  or  West- 
chester  to  his  office  in  Manhattan  takes  a  second- 
ary place  in  the  life  of  the  individual.  This  is  in 

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line  with  the  American  genius  for  overcoming 
natural  difficulties  with  machines,  and  in  line 
too  with  our  superior  use  of  mass  psychology. 

It  was  the  great  American  psychologist,  William 
James,  who  made  the  most  fruitful  suggestion 
that  has  yet  appeared,  the  suggestion  of  a  citizen 
conscription  for  labor,  by  which  the  world's  work 
should  be  raised  to  a  "moral  equivalent  for  war," 
with  banners  and  music  and  shoulder  touching 
shoulder.  Who  would  not  wish  to  be  in  the  com- 
pany of  such  conscripts  who  would  build  a  Panama 
Canal  or  harvest  a  bumper  crop  in  Iowa?  And 
for  the  dangerous  and  difficult  trades  there  would 
be  super-rewards,  as  for  the  special  risks  of  war. 
Such  a  treatment  of  the  labor  problem  is  not  only 
soundly  based  on  the  nature  and  spirit  of  man,  but 
it  is  already  indicated  in  the  visible  trend  of  American 
labor. 

The  labor  union,  misused  as  it  often  is,  and  much 
misunderstood,  is  moving  toward  the  elimination 
of  a  labor  class  by  the  identification  of  wage-workers 
with  that  portion  of  American  society  which  is 
already  above  the  line  of  mastery  over  conditions 
of  living.  The  union,  with  its  growing  pride  of 
craft  and  increasing  sense  of  power,  represents  a 
movement  parallel  to  the  merging  of  industrial  and 
financial  combinations.  It  is  an  effort  to  escape 
from  the  confusions  of  individual  competition. 

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There  is,  structurally  and  politically,  no  difference 
between  a  well  organized  union  of  skilled  workmen 
and  a  commercial  trust  company,  except  that  the 
trust  company  is  nearer  to  the  sources  of  money- 
power  and  has  a  longer  range  of  experience  in 
manipulating  it. 

It  was  not  so  long  ago  that  a  highly  organized 
and  successful  working-men's  union  agreed  to  wear 
the  customary  evening  dress  for  men  at  its  official 
gatherings — a  small  item,  this,  but  significant  of  the 
most  American  disposition  of  wage- workers  to  insist 
on  their  own  place  in  the  national  game,  on  their 
own  basis,  as  engineers,  shipbuilders,  steel  riveters, 
without  the  necessity  of  becoming  any  other  sort 
of  men.  If  it  turns  out  that  they  cannot  keep  that 
place  without  some  different  method  of  distributing 
the  wealth  of  the  nation,  such  a  method  must  be 
found. 

Nothing  has  been  so  constantly  misread  as  the 
struggle  of  wage-workers  in  America  to  dress  like 
all  other  workers.  It  is  the  symbol  of  the  most 
spiritual  of  their  aspirations,  the  expression  of  the 
value  and  dignity  of  labor  in  the  same  terms  that 
value  and  dignity  are  affirmed  of  all  other  occupa- 
tions. When  we  talk  of  Americanization  we  must 
not  forget  that  unification  of  our  thinking  implies 
a  unity  of  expression.  The  demand  that  wage 
compensation  should  include  the  possibility  of  such 

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expression  is  one  that  women,  closer  always  to 
the  spiritual  significance  of  dress,  should  unite 
in  supporting.  In  proportion  as  you  find  it  offensive 
or  amusing — except  as  all  modern  dress  is  a  little 
amusing — it  is  evidence  of  undemocratic  thinking. 

§ 

It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  book  to  point  out 
the  particular  solution  of  the  wage  problem  to 
which  the  young  woman  citizen  may  commit 
herself.  All  that  is  attempted  is  to  define  those 
elements  of  the  situation  which  give  shape  and 
structure  to  the  future,  and  to  define  them  in  terms 
familiar  to  women.  For  the  place  which  it  expects 
to  occupy  in  the  reconstructed  social  order  after 
the  war,  labor  will  make  its  own  demands.  In 
the  report  of  the  Inter-Allied  Labor  Conference, 
at  London  early  in  1918,  there  is  a  statement  of 
what  organized  labor  thinks  about  the  war  and 
what  ought  to  come  out  of  it.  Whatever  is  thought 
about  this  statement  of  world  aims,  it  is  important 
to  come  to  it  with  minds  swept  clean  of  prejudice 
and  false  impressions.  There  is  no  advantage 
in  being  a  young  citizen  if  you  do  not  also  bring 
freshness  of  view. 

The  relation  of  women  to  the  world  aspects  of 
wage-labor  is  too  recent  for  them  to  have  developed 
any  tradition  about  it.  For  working-women  it  is  es- 
sentially a  problem  in  compensation;  they  are  only 

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indirectly  touched  by  the  struggle  between  men 
and  men  for  an  expression  of  maleness,  for  au- 
thority and  personal  equity. 

The  relation  between  the  woman  worker  and 
the  woman  employer  has  not  yet  taken  on  the 
character  of  a  struggle;  and  between  women  workers 
and  men  employers  of  women,  it  is  emphatically 
a  struggle  for  compensation,  unbiased  by  sex.  At 
the  same  time,  it  is  a  struggle  for  working  conditions 
which  take  account  of  the  reaction  of  labor  on  the 
mother-energy  of  the  workers. 

During  the  past  hundred  years  something  has 
happened  to  women  which  never  happened  to  them 
in  the  history  of  the  world  before.  The  freshness 
and  vivacity  of  young  girls  has  been  valued  as  an 
industrial  asset.  The  bubbling  vitality  of  youth  is 
set  to  turn  machines.  Natural  coquetry,  the  love 
of  beauty  and  soft  enhancing  fabrics,  which  is  all 
part  of  the  nest-making,  mothering  instinct,  has 
been  suppressed  because  it  interfered  with  labor 
values.  Engaged  as  the  woman  worker  has  been 
in  a  desperate  struggle  to  get  her  work  recognized 
on  the  same  wage  and  time  basis  as  men,  she  could 
make  no  struggle  at  all  for  her  potential  mother- 
value.  This  is  a  battle  which  the  non-working 
woman  must  fight  for  her,  since  mother-energy  is 
even  more  a  social  than  a  personal  asset.  This  is 
not  a  problem  between  workers  and  employers, 

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not  properly  a  labor  problem  at  all,  but  a  problem 
of  social  conservation.  It  belongs  with  child  labor, 
vocational  training  and  the  development  of  citizen- 
ship by  careful  gradations  of  personal  responsibility, 
and  has  very  little  to  do  with  the  struggle  going  on 
between  men  as  employers  and  men  as  workers. 

§      - 

Though  they  can  never  be  treated  as  entirely  dis- 
tinct, it  is  impossible  to  come  to  grips  with  the 
unrest  of  labor  without  constantly  keeping  in  mind 
these  three  separate  strands.  First,  we  have  the 
rise  of  a  new,  totemic  social  order,  very  widely 
diffused  throughout  the  world,  with  its  most  acute 
manifestation  in  Russia.  Then  we  have  the  general 
movement  toward  social  betterment  and  enlight- 
enment, which  affects  the  laboring  classes,  as  being 
most  in  need  of  it.  Finally,  we  have  the  sharp 
struggle  of  the  American  wage-worker  for  the 
Americanization  of  his  relations  to  society. 

It  is  probable  that  social  unrest  all  over  the 
world  is  three-plied  like  ours.  Certainly  it  is  in 
all  English-speaking  countries.  In  England  the 
struggle  is  rather  to  get  all  castes  and  classes  back 
among  the  workers.  After  the  war  in  England 
every  honest  man  will  do  something,  as  in  America 
every  honest  man  will  have  something.  And  in 
England,  as  in  France,  there  is  less  of  the  totemic 

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movement  because  the  French  people  are  already 
more  unified. 

If  you  look  closely  at  labor  in  America  you  will 
see  that  it  is  full  of  splits  and  factions  caused  by 
labor's  half-conscious  effort  to  separate  itself  into 
the  two  groups,  one  which  struggles  to  find  its 
proper  place  in  the  existing  order,  and  the  other 
which  looks  for  a  new  and  totally  different  political 
expression. 

If  we  are  wise,  we  will  give  to  these  movements 
every  opportunity  to  clarify.  But  if  we  press  Ameri- 
can labor  back  upon  the  fire  which  smolders  at  the 
bottom  of  the  heap,  the  whole  mass  will  gradually 
be  fused  with  the  warmth  of  the  new  order.  That 
glow  will  spread  upward;  it  will  grow  white  hot. 
And  in  due  time  America  also  will  have  a  revolution. 


137 


IX 


T  DO  not  know  why  it  should  have  amazed  us  to 
•*•  discover,  as  we  have  during  the  past  decade, 
that  the  centers  of  control  over  living  conditions  were 
not  identical  with  the  centers  of  politics.  It  was 
part  of  our  Republican  tradition  that  politics  had 
nothing  to  do  with  making  a  living.  To  be  sure 
that  it  had  not,  we  had  been  careful  to  make  official 
salaries  a  little  less  than  a  living  for  the  men  in 
office.  Public  service  was  conceived  as  something 
given  in  return  for  general  social  welfare,  with 
only  an  indirect  relation  to  private  affairs.  Private 
business  was  thought  of  by  the  Fathers  of  the 
Republic  as  an  assault  against  Nature,  proceeding 
best  when  least  interrupted  by  the  State,  which 
meanwhile  warmed  us  from  above,  the  sun  of  our 
prosperity.  There  was  a  certain  naive  faith  that 
that  sun  was  kept  shining,  in  much  the  same  fashion 
that  the  tribal  dance  makes  the  rain  fall  and  the 
crops  ripen,  by  the  four-yearly  frenzy  of  party 
politics. 

After  a  hundred  years  or  so,  it  was  discovered 
that  the  national  orb  was  pulled  across  the  sky 
by  men  who  refused  to  make  the  political  gesture. 

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They  were  neither  politicians  nor  men  officially 
connected  with  the  Government.  Back  of  the 
ward-heeler,  the  speculator  in  perquisites  and  "pick- 
ings," back  of  the  party  boss,  was  a  hand  from 
Wall  Street  that  pushed  them  all  about  the  board. 
They  had  no  "principles,"  these  men,  and  no 
policy;  but  they  proved  to  us  by  establishing  control 
over  money,  that  true  power  resides  in  money. 
Bread  and  housing  are  much  more  imperative  as  in- 
fluencing the  conditions  under  which  men  live  to- 
gether than  either  policies  or  principles. 

It  was  part  of  our  two-mindedness  about  public 
and  private  life,  that  we  thought  of  this  at  first  as 
base,  whereas  it  is  merely  true.  There  is  no  such 
separation  between  living  and  the  means  of  living 
as  our  political  philosophies  implied.  Bread  and 
land,  work  and  the  tools  of  work  are  the  body  and 
sinew  of  liberty,  without  which  it  and  justice  are 
but  poor  houseless  ghosts.  The  discovery  that  the 
money  boss  was  stronger  than  politics  was  the  most 
informing  episode  in  our  political  development, 
because  it  taught  us  the  direct  connection  between 
politics  and  living  conditions.  But  it  went  much 
further  than  that. 

The  last,  most  definitive  statement  of  the  relation 
of  politics  and  big  business  occurs  in  a  series  of 
articles  by  Lincoln  Steffens  in  1910.  After  which 
nothing  whatever  appeared  to  happen.  What 

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really  was  happening,  however,  was  the  slow  inter- 
penetration  of  the  American  consciousness  by  the 
certainty  that  the  money  boss  had  made  his  way 
to  the  centers  of  power  under  the  protective  coloring 
of  his  alikeness  to  the  rest  of  us.  His  technique 
was  the  technique  of  our  sacred  competitive  initia- 
tive. He  was  the  man  who  had  asked  of  every 
situation  the  test  question  of  a  competitive  era: 
What  is  there  in  it  for  me?  and  received  the  super- 
lative answer.  It  was  the  extent  to  which  the 
small  private  citizen  found  his  own  welfare  involved 
in  that  answer,  that  made  the  new  point  of  departure 
for  political  thinking  in  America.  And  having  begun 
there,  it  is  unimportant  whether  ten  years  or  twenty 
are  necessary  to  bring  it  to  the  issue  which  leaps 
out  of  America  to  join  itself  to  the  live  inquiry 
of  all  the  world:  Is  there  any  business  in  the  world 
which  is  not  more  or  less  the  business  of  all  of  us? 

§ 

It  is  always  much  easier  to  change  a  social  prac- 
tice than  to»  change  a  way  of  thinking.  That  is  why 
in  the  midst  of  Government  ownership  and  control 
of  industry,  we  are  still,  many  of  us,  thinking  back 
in  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  when  men  were 
chiefly  occupied  with  the  progressive  mastery  of 
soil,  minerals,  waters,  and  with  the  tools  and  pro- 
cesses of  such  mastery. 

We  have  not  clearly  stated  to  ourselves  what  it] 

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means  to  have  passed  from  that  industrial  phase  to 
commercialism.  We  think  of  the  charge  that  we 
Americans  are  commercial,  as  meaning  that  as  a 
people  we  care  more  for  money  than  for  anything 
else,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  nothing  we 
part  from  so  easily.  We  care  tremendously  for 
sentiment  in  America,  and  for  what  Mr.  Wells  has 
called  the  normal  social  life-home  and  the  family, 
our  town  against  all  other  towns,  peace  and  a  good 
table.  And  we  might  even  care  for  money  without 
being  a  commercial  nation;  we  might  care  as  the 
French  peasants  care,  hiding  it  in  the  soil  they 
live  upon;  or  we  could  care  for  it  as  a  sign  of  social 
caste,  as  the  early  eighteenth  century  cared,  and 
be,  as  we  were  at  that  time,  an  industrial  common- 
wealth. The  change  to  commercialism  is  made 
when  the  major  social  energy  is  applied  to  the 
manipulation  and  the  control  of  commodities. 

These  things  are  always  easier  to  understand 
than  they  are  to  deal  with.  When  the  peasant 
raises  his  grain,  grinds  and  bakes  it,  we  have  a  one- 
process  industrialism.  When  the  peasant  passes 
the  grain  to  the  miller,  who  transfers  it  to  the  baker, 
who  sells  it  to  the  consumer,  it  is  still  industrialism. 
Even  when  the  number  of  processes  is  widened  to 
include  the  carter  and  the  delivery  man,  the  char- 
acter of  the  transaction  is  not  changed.  When  a 
commodity,  between  its  necessary  and  improving 

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contacts  with  labor,  is  subject  to  processes  which 
add  to  its  cost  without  increasing  its  value,  and 
when  a  better  living  can  be  made  out  of  manipulating 
a  commodity  than  producing  it,  then  the  change 
from  industrialism  to  commercialism  is  accomplished. 
Speculators  who  hold  wheat  in  elevators,  railroads 
that  juggle  the  freight,  millers  who  hold  back  the 
flour  to  increase  the  price,  and  bakers  who  adulterate 
the  bread  are  all  engaged  in  commercial  enter- 
prises; and  all  but  the  last  one  are  held  to  be  legiti- 
mate. 

Something  like  this  has  been  going  on  all  over 
the  world,  and,  without  being  able  to  fix  a  precise 
moment  for  it,  in  America  it  has  been  indexed  by 
the  transfer  of  the  spell-binder  from  the  political 
platform  to  the  market-place. 

Social  progress  is  made  possible  by  producing  the 
special  kind  of  intelligence  demanded  by  the  various 
stages  of  a  progressive  environment.  An  agri- 
cultural society  produces  the  farmer  mind,  as 
the  age  of  machinery,  produces  mechanics.  Wher- 
ever there  is  a  failure  of  intelligence,  there  are 
dislocations  and  monstrosities  of  social  practice. 

As  the  rapid  development  of  trade  and  industry 
in  America  dragged  the  producer  and  consumer 
apart,  there  were  whole  areas  of  activity  not 
covered  by  any  sort  of  awareness.  The  increase 
of  markets  has  not  been  met  by  a  corresponding 

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development  of  market  intelligence.  Between  the 
farmer  who  produces  your  food  and  the  grocer  who 
sells  it  to  you,  there  is  a  No-Man's-Land  which  is 
as  unknown  to  the  former  as  it  is  to  you. 

One  absolute  condition  for  successful  economic 
organization  is  that  in  every  phase  of  activity 
both  its  origin  in  human  necessity  and  its  end 
in  human  betterment  must  be  kept  simultaneously 
in  mind.  Either  of  these  being  lost  to  sight, 
there  is  a  disposition  to  treat  whatever  is  found 
as  a  natural  resource,  subject  to  the  same  assault 
of  competition  as  mines  and  forests  and  fields. 
Like  those  fabled  giants  who  devoured  their  own 
children,  overgrown  American  industry  began  to 
exploit  its  own  markets,  filch  from  its  own  plate. 
It  increased  the  price  of  bread  by  speculating  in 
wheat,  and  then  urged  the  high  price  of  bread  as 
an  excuse  for  speculating. 

But  the  sense  of  parenthood  of  its  own  economic 
institutions  was  never  so  far  from  American  intel- 
ligence that  all  this  could  have  come  about  without 
some  obscuration  of  the  public  mind.  Man's  appetite 
for  excitation  is  always  stronger  than  his  impulse 
to  reasonableness.  Exploitation  of  the  industrial 
output  would  never  have  been  possible  without 
some  manipulation  of  man's  thinking,  without, 
in  other  words,  the  invention  of  modern  advertising. 

Like  poppies  in  a  field  of  wheat,  there  has  sprung 

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up  lately  in  the  field  of  business,  a  guild  of  men 
whose  trade  is  Appeal.  All  the  modern  science  of 
psychology,  all  the  old  tricks  of  the  medicine  man 
and  the  spell-binder  are  brought  to  bear,  not  in 
the  creation  of  social  values,  but  on  the  mere  ex- 
change of  commodity  for  coin,  as  little  commodity 
as  possible  for  as  much  coin.  The  result  is  that  we 
have  no  market  thinking,  any  more  than  in  the 
days  of  the  torch-light  procession  we  had  political 
thinking;  we  have  only  market  transactions.  Neither 
have  we  among  the  masses  any  expression  of  per- 
sonality in  things  purchased.  What  we  have  is  a 
succession  of  surrenders  to  salesmanship.  Just 
as  surely  as  it  was  said  contemptuously  of  the 
English  that  they  had  become  a  nation  of  shop- 
keepers, so  may  it  be  said  of  the  Americans  that 
they  have  become,  absurdly,  a  nation  of  shoppers. 
A  vast  bulk  of  our  business  is  neither  creative 
nor  bettering.  It  is  all  of  a  piece  with  the  idle  habit 
of  women,  handling  the  wealth  of  the  shops  for 
the  delight  of  its  color  and  sheen,  the  pleasant 
stimulus  of  newness,  the  unprofitable  supposition 
of  ownership  carried  on  under  the  pretense  of 
legitimate  buying.  The  only  difference  is  that 
women  know  that  they  are  "shopping. "Men,  turning 
over  stocks,  wheat,  city  lots,  or  other  goods  of 
that  character,  without  adding  a  cent  to  their 
value,  think  that  they  are  engaging  in  a  serious 

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masculine  business.  And  just  as  the  price  of  all 
the  goods  in  the  shop  is  made  to  carry  the  cost 
of  women's  shopping,  so  the  cost  of  all  our  common 
necessities  is  put  up  by  the  men,  who,  without 
ever  producing  any  good  or  beautiful  thing,  spend 
all  their  lives  quite  happily,  and  for  the  most  part 
innocently,  repeating  in  the  market-place  the 
ancient  complexes  of  war  and  the  chase. 

Much  the  same  sort  of  thing  has  taken  place  in 
the  world  of  finance.  Money,  or  any  commodity 
which  is,  in  the  common  phrase,* 'as  good  as  money," 
is  thought  of  as  floating  about  in  our  midst,  as 
detached  from  any  source  in  human  work  or  any 
end  in  human  welfare,  as  fish  in  the  sea.  Anybody 
may  catch  money  who  puts  in  his  hook  with  the 
proper  bait,  or  he  may  catch  it  with  a  drag-net  or 
a  stick  of  dynamite. 

Do  not  allow  yourself  to  be  put  out  of  touch  by 
the  simplicity  of  this  statement.  Women  in  particu- 
lar, who  have  no  natural  aptitude  for  the  mechanism 
by  which  high  finance  is  carried  on,  are  likely  to 
be  disconcerted  by  it.  They  expect  any  statement 
of  finance  to  resemble  one  of  those  cubist  pictures 
which  looks  as  if  it  might  mean  something  if  only 
anybody  understood  it.  But  unless  women  can 
bring  some  sort  of  primary  clarification  to  the  modern 
problem,  the  sort  of  clarification  which  women 
derive  from  their  primary  necessity  to  produce 

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life  on  the  one  hand  and  to  nourish  it  on  the  other, 
there  is  not  much  else  that  they  can  bring. 

I  am  obliged  to  confess  that  if  understanding 
the  details  of  bank  management  were  one  of  the 
conditions  of  using  banks,  I  should  have  to  keep 
my  money  in  a  stocking.  But  I  am  very  clear  in 
my  mind  that  the  care  of  accumulated  wealth  and 
credit  is  too  important  to  the  community  for  the 
institution  of  finance  to  be  left  like  an  abandoned 
orchard  where  anybody  may  fill  his  pockets. 

Money  in  banks,  or  bonds,  or  any  stable  equiva- 
lent, is  stored  human  energy.  The  ability  of  man 
to  separate  himself  from  his  own  powers  and  lay  up 
the  surplus  in  some  concrete  form  for  a  more  necessi- 
tous moment  is  one  of  the  things  that  makes 
civilization  possible.  A  more  or  less  orderly  recur- 
rence of  periods  of  high  energizing,  accumulation 
and  discharge,  is  the  fundamental  rhythm  of  society, 
as  it  is  of  nature.  In  any  normally  thought  out 
society,  banks,  financial  ganglia  of  whatever  sort, 
should  be  the  energizing  centers  of  social  welfare, 
the  mechanism  for  the  continuous  release  of  social 
energy. 

There  are  a  great  many  people  ready  to  aver 
that  this  is  quite  the  case;  they  were  even  heard  to 
assert  just  previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  European 
war,  that  the  international  machinery  of  finance 
had  been  so  perfected  that  human  energy  could 

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never  again  escape  into  the  wild  disorder  of  inter- 
national conflict.  They  point  to  systems  of  rural 
credits  and  agricultural  loans  as  an  evidence  that 
banks  are  seeking  to  complete  the  circle  in  pro- 
duction. Excellent  as  these  things  are,  they  are  as 
inadequate  as  the  hope  of  international  peace 
through  international  banking  was  mistaken. 

For  financial  institutions  are  not  really  run  in 
the  interests  of  social  creativeness.  That  is  to 
say,  they  are  not  run  in  the  interest  of  any  of  the 
things  which  finally  determine  the  course  of  human 
society.  They  are  run  in  the  interest  of  property, 
in  the  interest  of  the  concreteness  of  wealth,  rather 
than  its  potentiality.  They  are  as  far  from  pro- 
ducing a  sound  social  unity  as  our  habit  of  taking 
our  baseball  from  the  news  score  and  the  sporting 
extra  is  from  producing  a  healthy  national  recrea- 
tion. Everybody  is  at  some  time  dependent  upon 
the  banking  system,  but  actually  we  are  further 
from  banking  than  from  baseball.  Some  one  at 
least  sees  the  game  and  tells  us  about  it,  but  the 
great  operations  of  finance,  with  power  to  affect  the 
condition  upon  which  vast  numbers  of  people  live 
together,  are  not  seen  even  by  a  representative  of 
the  people.  They  go  on  in  private  offices,  in  stock 
exchanges,  in  the  whims,  combinations  and  enmities 
of  a  minority  of  men. 

We  have  got  into  this  state  of  detachment  from 

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our  markets  and  our  banks,  by  coming  to  them 
from  a  habit  of  thinking  of  the  family  as  the  social 
unit,  and  the  making  of  a  living  as  the  private 
business  of  the  family.  We  have  thought  of  that 
vast  area  of  human  activity  which  extends  beyond 
individual  control  as  a  sort  of  commons,  free  for  all, 
and  most  of  all  free  from  any  personal  responsibility. 

In  the  beginning  of  our  commercial  life,  it  was 
no  more  thought  reprehensible  to  make  money  by 
manipulating  the  market  and  the  banks,  than 
it  was  thought  political.  Politics  was  an  un- 
certain theory  of  the  State,  and  a  small  practice 
of  public  administration.  Banking  was  business. 
Probably  no  one  was  more  surprised  than  the 
money  boss  to  find  himself  in  a  position  of  political 
power,  which  on  the  whole  he  seems  to  have  used 
rather  clumsily  and  without  any  particular  malice. 
He  has  even  at  times  used  it  with  rudimentary 
ideas  of  patriotism  and  public  service.  But  at  any 
rate,  he  has  used  it,  and  by  the  widening  circles 
of  private  disaster  we  have  been  taught  that  just 
here,  in  this  area  of  irresponsibility,  at  the  inter- 
section of  all  the  invisible  lines  of  trade  and  finance, 
is  the  true  center  of  political  power. 

Modern  politics  is  not  something  made  up  by  a 
great  many  individuals  to  regulate  the  accident 
of  their  living  together.  It  is  an  influence  proceeding 
toward  the  people,  out  of  the  unavoidable  unifica- 

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tion  of  social  life,  a  crackling,  dynamic  energy 
generated  at  the  crossing  of  their  wires.  And  out 
of  this  new  conception  of  politics  as  proceeding 
toward  the  individual  instead  of  from  him,  has 
sprung  the  question  of  the  hour:  To  what  extent 
and  on  what  occasions  is  any  business  to  be  thought 
of  as  private  and  subject  to  individual  control? 

§ 

Should  the  nation  own  and  work  its  mines? 
May  a  public  carrier  be  operated  in  the  interest 
of  private  profits?  Are  children  a  sole  responsibility 
of  the  parent,  or  an  asset  of  the  State?  Do  the  tools 
and  processes  of  trade  belong  to  workers  or  to  an 
individual?  When  a  woman  is  bringing  up  children, 
has  she  a  right  to  demand  an  allowance  from  the 
State  in  order  to  bring  them  up  properly? 

These  are  some  of  the  questions  existing  before 
the  war  that  war  has  brought  to  a  focus.  All  of 
them  relate  to  the  problem  of  stored  energy  ex- 
pressed in  terms  of  money.  These  and  secondary 
problems  springing  from  them  will  have  to  be 
taken  up  by  one  or  another  existing  political  party, 
or  by  new  parties  with  new  programs  of  solu- 
tions. At  this  moment  it  is  impossible  to  say 
that  even  the  Socialist  party,  which  has  always 
answered  these  questions  in  the  affirmative  for  the 
State,  will  not  take  another  note  from  the  experi- 
ence of  war 

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For  the  war  has  offered  us  unexpectedly  an 
opportunity  to  observe  the  experiment  of  national 
control  in  operation.  Under  the  stimulus  of  a  fine 
feeling  of  national  unity,  all  the  centers  of  power 
have  shifted  to  Washington.  For  the  duration  of 
the  war  at  least,  a  man's  business  is  not  his  own 
business,  but  ours. 

Even  when  we  make  allowance  for  the  haste  with 
which  this  centralized  control  has  been  accomplished, 
there  are  several  things  that  distinguish  it  from 
any  system  which  might  have  been  worked  out  by 
the  American  people  as  an  expression  of  the  national 
genius.  The  types  of  men  demanded  to  meet  the 
character  of  the  emergency,  the  large  industrial 
manager  and  the  business  engineer,  have  given 
to  the  war  organization  a  "business"  color. 

This  means  that  our  war-time  business  is  being 
handled  chiefly  by  men  who  are  accustomed  to 
high  individualism  in  the  management  of  affairs, 
unaccustomed  to  confer,  or  to  give  reasons  for 
what  they  do.  They  know  how  to  direct  other 
men  but  are  unable  to  lead  them.  Their  notion 
of  co-operation  is  for  everybody  to  get  together 
and  do  just  as  they  are  told.  They  have  no  experience 
with,  and  very  little  aptitude  for  the  more  demo- 
cratic idea  of  co-operation  as  it  is  established  by  equal 
contributive  effort 

The  closer  one  gets  to  Washington,  the  more  one 

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feels  that  what  is  going  on  there  is  a  sincere  attempt 
to  apply  to  the  national  problem  what  is  so  often 
appealed  to  as  the  "business  sense  of  the  com- 
munity." 

For  women,  business  has  meant  the  home  and 
the  children,  the  right  sort  of  home  and  the  right 
thing  done  in  it  to  bring  up  children  happily  and 
well.  And  for  women  as  a  class,  business — private, 
competition  and  exploitation — has  not  fulfilled  its 
promise.  It  may  as  well  be  faced,  the  whole  woman 
movement  is  in  some  sort  an  admission  that  Ameri- 
can "business"  has  not  "worked."  All  the  men  have 
not  kept  all  the  women  and  children  well  fed  and 
housed.  To  the  clear,  immediate  sense  of  women, 
business,  as  men  conduct  it,  is  a  series  of  sallies 
against  the  difficulties  of  existence,  sometimes 
sordid,  often  brilliant  and  romantic,  full  of  high 
courage  and  invention,  but  impractical — never  really 
practical  enough  to  keep  the  world  fed  and  housed 
and  at  peace. 

This  is  what  women  want  most.  They  want 
much  more  for  themselves  and  the  race,  but  first 
of  all  they  understand  that  womanhood  is  not 
wholly  valued,  or  the  dignity  of  motherhood 
affirmed  so  long  as  great  numbers  of  children  are 
born  and  brought  up  in  misery  and  poverty. 

The  early  theory  of  business  in  America  has  been 
that  it  gave  every  man  an  opportunity  which,  if 

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taken,  would  make  it  possible  for  him  to  care  com- 
petently for  his  own.  And  the  practice  has  been  that 
only  men  with  certain  characteristics  of  initiative 
and  competitiveness  succeed  in  doing  so.  Either  we 
must  get  another  scheme  of  living  together  in 
America,  or  we  must  make  this  special  capacity, 
which  is  so  extraordinarily  developed  in  some  men, 
serve  the  whole  community. 

Although  we  did  not  recognize  it  as  such,  there 
has  been  a  drift  in  the  last  direction  going  on  for 
some  years.  As  business  has  grown  more  and  more 
constructive,  big  men  have  shown  a  disposition 
to  escape  from  the  handicap  of  perpetual  small 
competition.  They  invented  both  the  trust  and 
the  merger. 

Partly  because  it  worked  an  immediate  hardship 
on  small  business,  and  partly  because  it  contradicted 
the  tradition  of  individualism,  this  tendency  was 
discouraged.  We  called  it  all  manner  of  names, 
not  realizing  it  as  an  unconscious  attempt  of  big 
business  to  socialize  itself.  The  trouble  with  the 
trust  and  the  merger  is  that  in  them,  interested 
men  combine  only  with  their  own  kind,  for  the 
interest  of  that  kind.  If  they  did  not  combine 
against  the  rest  of  us  so  deliberately  as  many  imag- 
ined, they  at  least  did  not  combine  with  the  people. 
Nor  has  that  yet  been  done.  They  have  combined 
for  the  masses  and  the  integrity  of  the  country 

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as  a  whole.  What  we  have  at  Washington  is  an 
incomplete  merger  of  business  intelligence,  in  favor 
of  the  national  interest.  Making  allowance  for 
the  haste  with  which  it  has  been  assembled,  what 
we  have  at  Washington  is  a  Government  of  co- 
ordinated industries,  conducted  by  experts  in  busi- 
ness engineering.  If  the  American  system  of  indus- 
trial and  economic  organization  is  sound,  this 
arrangement  will  work  perfectly.  Wherever  that 
system  is  weak,  the  weakness  will  come  to  the  surface. 

There  are  three  things  this  war  government  has 
to  handle.  It  has  to  handle  material:  coal,  wheat, 
iron,  lumber,  transportation,  machines.  This  it 
will  probably  do  very  well.  We  have  always  been 
wasteful  in  our  handling  of  material  because  we 
have  so  much  of  it,  but  we  are  not  unskillful. 

The  war  government  will  have  to  handle  labor. 
This  it  will  do  not  so  well.  It  will  be  hindered  on 
the  one  hand  by  the  long  antagonism  of  labor 
and  "big  business,"  and  helped  on  the  other  by  the 
patriotic  good  will  of  labor.  Big  business  is  by  no 
means  so  powerful  as  it  was,  and  labor  by  no  means 
so  helpless.  Under  a  common  necessity  they  will 
probably  find  out  a  workable  compromise. 

Finally,  the  war  government  will  have  to  handle 
something  for  which  there  is  no  name.  It  has  names 
which  differ  according  to  the  department  of  living 
in  which  it  shows  itself,  and  since  it  shows  itself 

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in  so  many  places  at  once,  let  us  begin  by  calling 
it  Social.  That  much  is  certain ;  it  is  in  us  and  among 
all  our  Allies;  it  is  even  in  Germany.  Because  this 
thing  is  alive  and  stirring,  we  might  call  it  the 
Social  Movement,  but  immediately  you  begin  to 
think  of  specific  movements.  Social  Unrest  is  the 
term  appropriated  to  labor,  Feminism  to  women. 
We  could  call  it  Social  Energy  but  it  is  something 
more  shaped  than  that,  more  conscious  of  direc- 
tion, and  I  know  of  no  better  term  for  it  than  the 
Social  Stream,  and  no  better  figure  than  that  of  a 
great  river  upon  which  our  war  industry  is  afloat. 
Think  of  these  separate  industries,  food,  manu- 
facture, soldiering,  and  the  rest,  as  so  many  ships  on 
the  river.  They  must  produce  a  certain  amount 
and  yet  all  keep  about  their  relative  positions  in 
the  stream.  For  suppose  they  lock  prows  and 
attempt  to  stem  the  current  until  their  work  is 
done.  They  may  do  very  excellent  work  that  way, 
but  meantime  the  waters  will  back  up  and  sweep 
them  all  under. 

§ 

This  Social  Stream  takes  its  rise  in  one  of  those 
unmapped  areas  of  business,  close  to  the  Bank.  It 
takes  its  rise  in  something  that  also  for  want  of 
a  better  word,  we  have  to  call  Social  Capital. 

Ordinary  capital  represents  savings.  Social  capital 

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is  the  measure  of  group  potentiality.  It  grows  out 
of  the  capacity  of  men  to  combine.  Ten  men  socially 
combined  can  do  more  than  ten  men  working 
separately.  This  extra  potentiality  is  the  Social 
Capital  of  that  group.  But  its  value  depends  on 
the  vitality  of  the  spiritual  organization  of  the 
group.  Men  are  said  to  be  spiritually  organized 
when  they  are  held  together  by  some  alikeness  of 
aim  of  spirit.  They  are  industrially  organized  when 
they  are  combined  for  work  by  some  condition 
or  person  outside  themselves. 

Both  of  these  kinds  of  combination  can  exist  in 
the  same  group.  Both  of  them  have  to  be,  when 
the  object  is,  like  the  winning  of  this  war,  a  com- 
bination of  industries  for  world  democratization. 

The  difficulty  in  America  is  that  our  great  indus- 
trial managers  have  never  learned  the  art  of  gen- 
erating and  using  Social  Capital.  They  think  of  it, 
on  the  whole,  as  something  apart  from  "business," 
disturbing  to  it.  They  have  never  thought  of  the 
social  potentiality  of  the  spiritually  organized 
group  as  part  of  our  national  resources.  All  these 
group  potentialities  flowing  together  make  up  what 
I  have  called  the  Social  Stream,  on  which  all 
our  industries  and  institutions  float. 

In  the  past,  when  any  industry  felt  itself  shaken, 
it  undertook  to  stop  out  the  particular  rill  which 
fed  the  stream — labor  union,  votes  for  women, 

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eight  hour  laws,  whatever  disturbed  industrial  craft. 
When  an  invention  is  made  which  upsets  some 
money  interest,  it  is  very  often  bought  up  and 
suppressed.  Business  does  not  attempt  to  keep 
up  with  invention  and  science.  It  tries  to  keep 
invention  and  science  in  its  pocket,  to  be  used  as 
required.  It  has  tried  to  do  the  same  thing  with  Art. 
In  just  the  same  way  that  business  will  buy  up  and 
suppress  a  new  motor  which  interferes  with  one 
that  is  already  in  the  market,  it  will  buy  up  and 
suppress  a  good  play  that  might  interfere  with 
one  not  so  good  which  is  making  money. 

The  net  result  of  this  policy  is  that,  in  general, 
business  has  no  experience  in  generating  and  re- 
leasing Social  Capital.  We  have  plenty  of  social 
idealism  in  the  United  States,  but  we  have  few 
men  who  are  expert  in  the  art  of  turning  it  into 
ships  and  munitions.  We  have  inventors  of  the 
first  rank,  but  we  have  so  little  practice  in  turning 
inventive  genius  quickly  into  war  weapons,  that 
we  are  actually  being  fought  by  inventions  that 
originated  in  America.  To  our  amazement  and 
mortification,  both  our  Allies  and  our  enemies 
prove  to  be  far  more  able  than  we  to  keep  pace 
with  their  own  inventive  genius.  We  are  conscious 
of  a  tremendous  fountain  of  inventiveness,  both 
social  and  mechanical,  springing  up  within  us,  and 
suddenly  we  begin  to  realize  the  comparative 

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insignificance  of  the  jet  which  escapes  from  the 
nozzle. 

Nothing  could  be  more  unjust  than  to  attempt 
to  visit  this  condition  solely  on  the  men  who  happen 
to  be  the  nucleus  of  the  present  crisis.  Millions  of 
Americans  have  comfortably  believed  that  when 
such  a  crisis  came  we  could  simply  say  to  our  invent- 
ors: Go  and  invent  something  to  win  the  war. 
Millions  have  imagined  that  our  social  idealism 
could  be  organized  by  a  wave  of  the  flag. 

We  have  never  developed  men  with  the  skill 
for  spending  our  Social  Capital,  or  for  reinvesting 
it  in  world  power,  simply  because  we  have  never 
realized  that  such  men  would  be  needed.  Or 
if  they  exist,  we  have  not  taught  ourselves  how  to 
recognize  them.  We  have  never,  as  a  people,  taken 
the  measure  of  our  Social  Capital.  Least  of  all 
has  this  measure  been  taken  or  has  this  skill  been 
developed  by  what  is  known  as  the  business 
interests  of  the  country. 

§ 

The  most  remarkable  evidence  of  the  lack  of  what 
we  may  call  a  national  technique,  a  method  of 
handling  our  national  resources,  both  social  and 
material,  among  the  men  who  are  conducting  our 
war  business,  is  their  waste  of  woman-power.  For 
among  American  women  there  exists  the  most 
successful  social  technique,  the  most  remarkable 

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organization  for  releasing  Social  Capital  that  the 
world  has  ever  known.  It  consists  of  the  federated 
and  affiliated  groups  of  women's  organizations, 
embracing  about  half  the  woman  population  of 
the  United  States,  engaged  wholly  in  social  enter- 
prises. It  releases  energy  from  women  writers, 
women  lawyers,  nurses,  doctors,  teachers,  from 
church-women — Protestant,  Catholic,  Hebrew — 
from  trades  union  leagues,  from  Browning  societies 
and  from  such  widely  separated  groups  as  the 
Women's  Institute  for  Laboratory  Research  and  the 
society  that  works  among  the  sweepings  of  our 
social  gutters.  Some  of  these  organizations  have  a 
working  history  of  fifty  years  and  more,  antedating 
the  Civil  War. 

Practically  the  best  of  the  work  of  social  betterment 
that  has  been  effected  in  the  United  States  in  that 
time  has  been  done  by  these  women,  a  work  unique 
in  the  history  of  the  world.  But  to  no  one  at  Wash- 
ington has  it  occurred  to  make  use  of  this  instru- 
ment in  accelerating  the  business  of  implementing 
the  American  ideal  of  World  Democracy.  They  use 
women,  yes.  But  they  do  not  use  the  experience 
of  women;  they  do  not  see  that  this  energy-releasing 
experience  of  women  is  a  great  national  asset,  the 
bulk  of  our  Social  Capital. 

Do  not  make  the  mistake  of  thinking  of  this 
neglect  as  a  slight  directed  against  women.  The 

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woman-power  of  the  United  States  is  not  used 
because  the  type  of  man  who  has  logically  come  to 
undertake  the  management  of  the  war,  the  type 
of  man  we  have  developed  and  prided  ourselves 
upon,  knows  almost  nothing  of  the  nature  of  So- 
cial Capital,  its  organization  and  use. 

But  this  war  is,  more  than  any  war  that  was 
ever  fought,  a  war  of  social  expansion,  a  war  for 
extending  the  frontiers  of  democracy.  It  is  a  war 
for  the  reinvestment  of  the  Social  Capital  of  the 
world.  It  will  not  be  fought  successfully  on  our 
side  until  it  is  so  understood.  We  cannot  come  out 
of  it  as  a  whole  and  harmonious  nation  unless  we  can 
learn  to  invest  our  local  American  Social  Capital 
in  the  processes  of  the  war  as  we  go  along.  Only 
so  can  we  remain  a  "going  concern"  among  the 
other  national  corporations.  Unless  we  rapidly 
conquer  the  art  of  releasing  this  sort  of  capital, 
one  of  two  things  will  happen;  we  shall  inexcusably 
and  ignominiously  fail  or  we  will  blow  up  with  the 
accumulation  of  undistributed  social  energy. 


159 


THIS  has  been  kept  until  the  last,  because  it  is 
at  once  the  most  immediate  of  our  national  inter- 
ests, and  the  point  of  departure  for  the  new  politics, 
the  politics  which  is  sprung  from  the  woman-thought 
of  the  world.  Up  to  the  beginning  of  the  war,  all 
our  political  tension  gathered  about  the  contact  of 
capital  and  labor.  It  took  the  form  of  a  struggle 
between  labor  and  what  were  known  as  the  business 
interests,  for  the  distribution  of  profits.  In  the 
early  phases  of  the  struggle,  conditions  of  labor 
played  a  conspicuous  part.  But  as  soon  as  it  was 
discovered,  and  to  the  degree  that  it  was  made 
convincing  that  certain  conditions  of  hours  and 
sanitation  tended  to  increase  profits,  such  conditions 
were  more  easily  conceded,  and  attention  was 
concentrated  on  the  division  of  the  spoils. 

All  the  words  and  phrases  that  developed  out  of 
that  struggle,  co-operation,  profit  sharing,  syndi- 
calism, even  terms  of  larger  import  like  Govern- 
ment ownership  and  Socialism,  all  show  that  we 
were  thinking  of  a  proper  division  of  the  spoils  as 
the  solution.  We  were  convinced  that  if  some  plan 
could  be  hit  upon  which  would  insure  an  equitable 

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division,  the  millennium  would  immediately  set  in. 
Some  thinkers  went  so  far  as  to  believe  that  the 
only  absolute  solution  lay  in  abolishing  the  capital- 
ist, making  the  acquirement  of  wealth  as  impossible 
as  it  seemed  undesirable. 

We  are  in  the  habit  of  saying  that  the  advantage 
of  war  is  that  it  brings  us  keener  appreciation  of 
the  fundamental,  eternal  things.  We  are  thinking 
about  things  in  relation  to  life  and  conduct  when 
we  say  this,  but  if  politics  is  nothing  after  all  but 
group  conduct,  does  it  not  seem  that  war  might 
reveal  some  of  the  fundamental,  eternal  things 
of  politics? 

One  of  the  first  things  revealed  was  that  our  most 
discussed  solutions  turned  out  not  to  be  solutions 
at  all,  but  expedients.  There  is  government  control 
of  the  railroads,  to  which  many  people  looked 
forward,  as  a  point  beyond  which  we  could  sit 
back  more  comfortably  in  our  chairs  with  the 
feeling  that  something  was  settled.  But  when  the 
railroads  are  picked  up  over  night,  we  find  that 
it  is  merely  a  handy  method  of  increasing  our 
speed.  This  turns  out  to  be  the  case  with  many 
political  changes  which  we  looked  forward  to  as 
achievements,  only  to  find  them  so  many  turns  in 
an  open  road. 

Another  of  our  war  surprises  has  been  to  find 
that  we  are  poor  among  the  nations,  poor  in  ships, 

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in  guns,  in  aeroplanes.  And  we  are  poor  in  these 
things  because  we  are  short  in  the  very  commodity 
we  thought  we  had  most  of,  we  are  short  in  pro- 
ductivity. That  is  to  say,  we  are  poor  in  business 
ability.  We  have  developed  a  class  of  men  clever 
at  accumulation,  expert  in  the  administration  of 
money  capital  and  credit  capital,  but  inexperienced, 
on  the  whole,  in  the  investment  of  Social  Capital. 
They  are  trained  in  methods  of  making  themselves 
rich  by  the  production  of  ships  and  guns  and  things, 
but  they  are  not  trained  in  methods  of  producing 
these  things  so  as  to  make  the  nations  rich. 

It  would  be  stupid  to  think  of  this  state  of  things 
as  the  fault  of  any  particular  class.  If  the  men  who 
have  been  chiefly  occupied  with  handling  the  wealth 
of  the  country  are  not  adequate  to  the  present  need, 
it  must  be  because  there  has  been  something  wrong 
in  our  way  of  thinking  of  wealth.  We  have  been 
thinking  too  much  of  the  heap.  We  have  not  been 
sufficiently  clear  in  our  minds  that  wealth  piled  up, 
grasped,  arrested,  is  not  properly  wealth.  The  heap 
is  not  much  more  than  a  heap.  Wealth  is  not  all 
material;  it  is  in  large  part  fluidity.  The  richest 
nation  is  the  nation  whose  combined  capital — 
social  and  material — can  most  easily  flow  into  any 
form  that  the  welfare  of  that  nation  demands. 

If  you  will  attend  any  Liberty  Loan  campaign  in 
almost  any  American  city  you  will  see  that  we  do 

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not  flow  easily.  We  have  to  drum-beat  and  sing 
and  shout  ourselves  into  the  necessary  mobility. 
Something  of  the  same  stiffness  is  in  all  our  processes, 
whether  of  ships  or  men. 

Much  of  this  immobility  comes  from  our  having 
concentrated  too  long  on  the  problem  of  profits  and 
profit  sharing.  We  have  rather  the  habit  of  thinking 
in  America  that  the  important,  and  possibly  the 
only  political  problem  is  this  one  of  the  distribution 
of  wealth,  as  expressed  in  the  struggle  between 
capital  and  labor.  We  have  ignored  the  part  which 
is  played  in  our  political  life  by  the  class  for  which 
in  America  we  have  no  specific  name.  It  is  numer- 
ically the  second  largest  group,  and  corresponds 
loosely  to  what  is  known  in  Europe  as  the  bour- 
geoisie. We  should  say  the  middle  class,  except  that 
it  is  in  no  sense  an  intermediary  class  between  capital 
and  labor,  but  stands  somewhat  apart  from  both 
of  them.  It  has  no  distinct  social  rating,  as  the  bour- 
geoisie has  in  Europe,  but  involves  the  widest  possible 
range  of  talent  and  intelligence,  with  rather  middling 
incomes. 

In  every  country  it  is  the  weakness  of  the  bour- 
geoisie to  regard  its  escape  from  both  wage  labor 
and  great  wealth  as  an  evidence  of  moral  superiority, 
and  to  look  a  little  condescending  on  one  and 
censoriously  on  the  other.  This  attitude  of  separate- 
ness  makes  it  slow  moving,  and  of  the  greatest 

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political  significance.  In  Russia,  it  has  been  the 
conservatism  of  the  bourgeoisie  which  kept  them 
from  joining  the  Bolsheviki  against  the  Germans, 
and  it  is  on  the  moral  reaction  of  the  bourgeoisie 
that  we  must  count  for  the  future  of  the  new 
republic.  On  the  other  hand,  -it  is  the  spread  of 
ideas  of  organization  and  social  co-operation,  made 
possible  through  the  rise  of  a  middle  class  in 
Mexico,  which  supported  the  revolution. 

In  America,  out  of  the  greater  freedom  from 
social  tradition  there  has  developed  a  new  element 
to  which  we  must  look  for  the  reorganization  of  our 
social  life.  It  is  the  new  art  of  the  administration 
of  social  forces.  Women  are  its  chief  exponents, 
women  doctors,  women  lawyers,  women  social 
workers.  There  are  several  reasons  why  this  should 
have  come  from  the  middle  classes,  the  best  of  all 
reasons  why  it  should  come  from  women.  For 
women  have  an  age-long  experience  in  the  admin- 
istration of  social  energy,  the  administration  of 
the  family  for  the  family's  sake. 

We  do  not  remember  often  enough  that  while 
men  have  been  struggling  to  produce  democracy 
in  the  State,  women  have  seen  the  family  through  a 
similar  process  of  democratization.  They  have 
separated  it  from  the  horde  and  established  it  as 
a  center  of  social  energy.  They  rescued  it  from  the 
autocracy  of  the  patriarchal  system,  with  life  and 

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death  powers  over  them  and  their  children.  They 
have  rid  the  family  of  feudal  allegiance  to  the 
male  parent  and  re-located  it  in  the  "good  of  the 
whole."  Long,  long  before  men  recognized  the 
existence  of  social  forces  as  elements  of  politics, 
women  had  learned  that  the  administration  of 
social  forces  is  the  chief,  the  most  indispensable 
activity  of  the  home.  And  it  is  in  the  bourgeoisie 
home,  with  its  comparative  freedom  from  drudgery, 
that  the  most  intelligent  methods  of  administration 
have  developed. 

In  the  United  States,  where  the  middle  class 
woman  had  enjoyed  great  freedom  of  education 
and  release  from  social  tradition,  this  faculty  for 
social  administration,  developed  in  family  life,  has 
been  very  generally  turned  to  the  account  of  the 
community.  You  can  see  this  in  operation  every- 
where in  the  work  of  the  Church,  in  the  Red  Cross, 
in  the  selling  of  Liberty  Bonds,  in  the  hundred 
new  activities  set  in  motion  by  the  war,  requiring 
the  administration  of  social  energy.  That  it  is  not 
active  in  food  conservation,  in  the  commissary  of 
the  army  and  navy,  and  all  the  socially  involved 
departments  of  war  work  is  due  to  our  not  yet 
having  understood  these  social  problems.  Ask 
in  any  American  town  who  has  been  most  active 
in  securing  livable  conditions,  and  you  will  find 
that  it  is  the  women.  You  will  find  the  men  of  that 

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town  willing  to  concede  this,  but  you  will  seldom 
find  them  realizing  that  this  has  anything  to  do  with 
the  successful  conduct  of  the  war. 

Millions  of  middle  class  American  men  of  middle 
years  are  aching  to  get  into  the  war,  to  feel  them- 
selves a  part  of  it.  They  are  much  less  a  part  of 
it  than  either  labor  or  the  great  industrial  managers. 
They  are  out  of  it  largely  because  they  have  no 
experience  in  administering  their  own  social  con- 
tribution. They  are  accustomed  to  surrendering 
the  management  of  that  contribution  to  their 
women.  And  in  this  war  in  the  United  States 
women  have  been  left  out  as  is  the  case  in  no  other 
of  the  warring  countries. 

Here  is  the  immediate  work  of  the  woman  voter. 
She  must  somehow  plan  and  bring  to  pass  the 
recognition  of  her  gift  for  social  administration 
as  part  of  the  work  of  winning  the  war.  She  must 
have  it  recognized  as  part  of  the  work  of  the  war, 
in  order  that  it  may  be  taken  seriously  as  part  of 
the  business  of  building  a  new  world  order  in  which 
war  shall  have  no  place.  It  is  not  important  in  the 
United  States  for  women  to  prove  that  the  work 
of  a  woman  in  a  munitions  factory  is  as  good  as 
the  work  of  a  man.  Women  in  France  and  England 
have  already  proved  that.  It  is  to  us  that  they 
must  look  to  demonstrate  the  power  of  woman- 
thought  for  world  betterment. 

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For  if  politics  is  something  strange  and  unrelated 
to  the  common  life,  if  it  is  something  for  which 
rules  cannot  be  drawn  out  of  the  common  occasions 
by  which  we  live  together,  then  democracy  is  a 
delusion.  We  can  think  of  it  as  helped  by  knowledge. 
But  if  the  kind  of  knowledge  necessary  for  successful 
politics  is  any  different  in  kind  from  the  knowledge 
that  women  draw  out  of  the  experience  of  producing 
and  perfecting  life,  then  the  introduction  of  women 
into  politics  is  the  most  disastrous  thing  that 
ever  happened  to  democracy. 

And  if  the  experience  of  being  a  woman  does  not 
itself  establish  some  kind  of  fitness  for  social  living, 
then  the  achievement  of  women  in  France  and 
England  is  the  greatest  miracle  that  ever  happened. 
How  otherwise  could  so  many  millions  of  women 
march  forward  into  men's  places  and  the  structure 
of  the  State  not  even  tremble! 

Now  you  see  why  I  have  devoted  so  much  of 
this  book  to  the  process  of  democratizing  yourself. 
For  it  does  not  appear  from  anything  that  has 
happened,  or  is  happening  in  the  world,  that  the 
foundations  of  society  rest  anywhere  but  where 
they  have  always  rested,  in  the  very  center  of  our 
common  life.  There  is  no  complication  of  national 
or  international  relations  which  will  not  yield  on 
analysis  some  primary  simplification  such  as  any 
woman  can  draw  out  of  her  own  lawful  occasions. 

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The  whole  process  of  political  education  is  a  search 
for  these  simplifications.  We  are  to  find  them  in 
art  and  in  science  and  in  history.  But  if  by  any 
chance  art  and  science  and  history  are  not  open 
to  us,  or  if  they  tend  to  increase  our  confusions, 
the  search  is  still  to  be  carried  into  the  heart  of 
experience. 

If  you  find  yourself  unable  to  deal  with  the  patter 
of  labor  unionism  and  the  nice  distinctions  between 
Marxian  and  Fabian  Socialism,  you  can  at  least 
determine  that  the  woman  who  washes  your  clothes 
in  a  laundry  shall  not  do  so  under  any  worse 
conditions  than  prevail  in  your  own  kitchen;  or 
the  seamstress  who  sews  for  you  in  a  shop  be  any 
the  less  under  your  eye  and  protection.  However 
political  leaders  may  prophesy,  these  are  things 
of  which  you  can  be  sure. 

Social  systems  do  not  fall  apart  because  good 
sense  is  affirmed  in  terms  of  law  and  regulation, 
any  more  than  your  home  comes  tumbling  about 
your  ears  because  you  insist  on  being  wise  and 
humane  in  it.  You  will  find  it  a  more  tedious  business 
to  banish  indecent  pictures  from  the  bill-boards 
of  your  town  than  from  your  home,  but  you  will 
not  find  that  you  need  any  better  or  different  set 
of  reasons  for  doing  it.  Once  you  have  accustomed 
yourself  to  the  larger  scale,  you  will  find  that  keeping 
an  unregenerate  nation  from  "shooting  up"  the 

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streets  of  the  world  presents  no  problems  of  any 
different  human  import  than  those  of  keeping 
peace  in  the  streets  of  your  town,  or  preserving 
democracy  in  the  family. 

This  faith  in  the  common  experience  is  the  best 
thing  that  woman  can  bring  to  politics.  The 
most  hopeful  thing  that  she  can  offer  at  this  hour 
of  terrific  change  and  uncertainty  is  the  age-long 
practice  of  family  life  with  its  hourly  need  of  adapta- 
tion to  growth  and  change  of  outlook.  This  is  the 
woman's  gift  which  she  must  put  across  into  the 
world's  thinking  by  every  known  political  expedient. 
She  must  state  it  in  terms  of  present  fact  and 
historic  incident,  in  language  suitable  and  con- 
vincing. She  must  embody  it  in  laws  and  learn 
to  recognize  it  under  every  national  or  international 
statement.  If  these  are  not  enough  she  must  devise 
new  methods,  but  the  meaning  of  her  method  is 
the  meaning  of  life  to  women,  the  power  of  social 
life  to  sustain  itself  out  of  the  common  processes 
of  living  and  the  creative  character  of  change. 


THE  END 


169 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
CHAPTER  I 

Care  of  Criminals. 

Goddard,  H.  H.     The  Criminal  Imbecile.     New  York,  Macmillan, 

1915. 
Healy,  William.    The  Individual  Delinquent.    Boston,  Little  Brown, 

1915. 
Henderson,  Charles  R.     The  Cause  and  Cure  of  Crime.     Chicago, 

McClurg,  1914. 
Osborne,  Thomas  Mott.     Society  and  Prisons.     New  Haven,  Yale 

University  Press,  1916. 
Ross,  Edward  A.    Sin  and  Society.    Boston,  Houghton  Mifflin,  1907. 

Woman  Suffrage  in  New  York  State. 

Brown,  Mrs.  Raymond.    Your  Vote  and  How  to  Use  It.    New  York, 

Harper,  1918. 
Cothren,  Marion  B.    The  A  B  C  of  Voting.    New  York,  Century, 

1918. 
Forman,  S.  E.,  and  Shuler,  M.    Woman  Voter's  Manual.    New  York, 

Century,  1918. 

Americanization. 

Abbott,  Grace.    The  Immigrant  and  the  Community.    New  York, 

Century,  1917. 

Addams,  Jane.    Democracy  and  Social  Ethics.    New  York,  Macmil- 
lan, 1902. 
Antin,  Mary.    They  Who  Knock  at  Our  Gate.    Boston,   Houghton 

Mifflin,  1914. 
Brown,  Mrs.  Raymond.    Your  Vote  and  How  to  Use  It.    New  York, 

Harper,  1918.     Chapters  22,  23. 
Commons,  John  R.    Races  and  Immigrants  in  America.    New  York, 

Macmillan,  1907. 
Jenks,  J.  W.,  and  Lauck,  W.  J.    The  Immigration  Problem.    New 

York,  Funk  and  Wagnalls,  1917. 
Kellor,  Frances  A.     Straight  America,  a  Call  to  National  Service. 

New  York,  Macmillan,  1916. 
McClure,  Archibald.    Leadership  of  the  New  America.    New  York, 

Doran,  1916. 
Riis,  Jacob  A.    The  Making  of  an  American.    New  York,  Outlook 

Co.,  1901. 
Steiner,  Edward  Alfred.    From  Alien  to  Citizen.    New  York,  F.  H. 

Revell  Co.,  1914. 
Thomas,  W.  I.    The  Polish  Peasant  in  Europe  and  America.    Chicago, 

University  of  Chicago  Press,  1918. 
WTald,  Lillian  D.    The  House  on  Henry  Street.    New  York,  H.  Holt 

and  Co.,  1915. 

170 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Workmen's  Compensation  Act 

Bruere,  Robert.  Compensation  and  Business  Ethics.  Harper's  Maga- 
zine, July,  1915. 

Commons,  John  R.,  and  Andrews,  John  B.  Principles  of  Labor  Legis- 
lation. New  York,  Harper,  1916. 

Eastman,  Crystal.  Work  Accidents  and  the  Law.  New  York,  Russell 
Sage  Foundation,  1910. 

Price,  George  M.  The  Modern  Factory.  New  York,  Wiley  and  Sons, 
1914. 

Rubinow,  I.  M.    Social  Insurance.    New  York,  Holt,  1913. 

Mothers'  Allowances 

Anthony,  Katharine.  Mothers  Who  Must  Earn.  New  York,  Survey 
Associates,  1914. 

Laws  Relating  to  Mothers'  Pensions  in  the  United  States,  Denmark, 
and  New  Zealand.  Washington,  U.  S.  Children's  Bureau,  1914. 

Maternity  Insurance.     New  Republic,  May  6,  1916. 

Meigs,  Grace  L.,  M.D.  Maternal  Mortality.  Washington,  U.  S.  Chil- 
dren's Bureau,  1917. 

New  York  City,  Board  of  Child  Welfare.  Annual  Reports.  New  York, 
Municipal  Building. 

New  York  State,  Relief  for  Widowed  Mothers  Commission.  Report 
to  Legislature.  Albany,  Lyon,  1914. 

New  Zealand  Society  for  the  Health  of  Women  and  Children.  Wash- 
ington, U.  S.  Children's  Bureau,  1914. 

Citizen  Obligations 

Beard,  Chas.  A.  and  Mary  R.     American  Citizenship.     New  York, 

Macmillan,  1914. 

Bres,  Rose  F.    Maids,  Wives,  and  Widows.    New  York,  Dutton,  1918. 
Franc,  Alissa.    Use  Your  Government:  What  Your  Government  Does 

for  You.     New  York,  Dutton,  1918. 
Howe,  Frederic  C.,  Ph.D.    The  City— the  Hope  of  Democracy.    New 

York,  Scribner,  1905. 
Howe,  Frederic  C.,  Ph.D.    The  Modern  City  and  Its  Problems.    New 

York,  Scribner,  1915. 


CHAPTER  II 

League  of  Nations 

American  League  to  Enforce  Peace.     Handbook  of  Programs  and 

Policies.     New  York,  1916. 
Angell,  Norman.    America  and  the  New  World  State.    New  York, 

Putnam,  1915. 

Brailsford,  H.  N.    A  League  of  Nations.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1917. 

171 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Goldsmith,  Robert.    A  League  to  Enforce  Peace.    New  York,  Mac- 

millan,  1917. 
Inter-Allied  War  Aims,  Supplement  to  The  New  Republic.    March  23, 

1918. 
Kellogg,  Paul.    British  Labor  Offensive,  The  Survey,  March  2;  April 

6,  1918. 

Nation,  The,  Weekly,  London. 
Veblen,  Thorstein.     An  Inquiry  into  the  Nature  of  Peace  and  the 

Terms  of  Its  Perpetuation.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1917. 
Wells,  H.  G.     A  League  of  Nations:  The  Plain  Necessity.     New 

Republic,  April  6,  1918. 
Wilson,  Woodrow.    In  Our  First  Year  of  War.    New  York,  Harper, 

1918. 
Woolf,  L.  S.     The  Framework  of  a  Lasting  Peace.    London,  Allen 

and  Unwin,  1917. 

Milk  Distribution 

Dodd,  F.  Lawson.  Municipal  Milk  and  Public  Health.  London,  The 
Fabian  Society,  1909. 

MacNutt,  Joseph  S.  The  Modern  Milk  Problem  in  Sanitation,  Eco- 
nomics, and  Agriculture.  New  York,  Macmillan,  1917. 

Magruder,  George  L.  The  Sanitary  Betterment  of  Milk  Production 
and  Distribution.  Washington,  International  Congress  on  Hygiene 
and  Demography,  1913. 

New  York  Milk  Committee.  Infant  Mortality  and  Milk  Stations. 
Special  Report  Dealing  with  Problem  of  Reducing  Infant  Mortality. 
New  York,  The  Committee,  1912. 

Rockwell,  A.  H.  What  Constitutes  a  Model  Milk  Ordinance.  Lan- 
sing, Michigan,  Health  Board,  1913. 

Labor  Unions 

Henry,  Alice.    The  Trade  Union  Woman.    New  York,  Appleton,  1915. 
Marot,  Helen.    American  Labor  Unions.    New  York,  Holt,  1914. 

Internationalism 

Angell,  Norman.    Internationalism  as  a  Condition  of  Allied  Success. 

The  Dial,  May  9,  1918. 
Balch,  Emily  G.    Approaches  to  the  Great  Settlement.    New  York, 

Huebsch,  1918. 
Buxton,  Chas.  Roden,  and  others.    Towards  a  Lasting  Settlement. 

London,  Allen  and  Unwin,  1915. 
Dickinson,  G.  Lowes.    The  Choice  Before  Us.    London,  Allen  and 

Unwin,  1917. 
Eliot,   Chas.   W.     The  Road  Toward  Peace.     Boston,  Houghton 

Mifflin,  1915. 
Hobhouse,  L.  T.     Questions  of  War  and  Peace.     London,  Fisher 

Unwin,  1916. 

172 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Hobson,  John  A.  Towards  International  Government.  London, 
Allen  and  Unwin,  1915. 

Howe,  Frederic  C.,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.  Why  War.  New  York,  Scribner, 
1916. 

Jordan,  David  Starr.  Ways  to  Lasting  Peace.  Indianapolis,  Bobbs 
Merrill,  1916. 

Muir,  Ramsay.  Nationalism  and  Internationalism.  London,  Con- 
stable, 1917. 

Nasmyth,  George.  Social  Progress  and  the  Darwinian  Theory.  New 
York,  Putnam,  1916. 

Russell,  Bertrand.    Why  Men  Fight.    New  York,  Century,  1917. 

Veblen,  Thorstein.  The  Passing  of  National  Frontiers.  The  Did, 
April  25,  1918. 

Women's  Organizations 

Beard,  Mary  R.  Women's  Work  in  Municipalities.  New  York,  Apple- 
ton,  1915. 

Blatch,  Harriot  S.  Mobilizing  Woman  Power.  New  York,  The 
Woman's  Press,  1918. 

Stanton,  E.  C.,  Anthony,  S.  B.,  and  others.  History  of  Woman  Suf- 
frage. New  York,  National  Woman  Suffrage  Association,  1881-1910. 

Wilson,  Elizabeth.  Fifty  Years  of  Association  Work  Among  Young 
Women.  New  York,  National  Board  Young  Women's  Christian 
Associations,  1916. 

WTood,  Mary  I.  History  of  the  General  Federation  of  Women's  Clubs 
for  the  first  twenty-two  years  of  its  organization.  New  York,  Gen- 
eral Federation  of  Women's  Clubs,  1912. 


CHAPTER  III 

South  America 

Bryce,  James.    South  America:  Observations  and  Impressions.    New 

York,  Macmillan,  1912. 
Clemenceau,  Georges.    South  America  Today.    New  York,  Putnam, 

1911. 
Johnston,   Sir  Harry.      Pioneers    in    Tropical    America.     London, 

Blackie,  1914. 
Missionary  Education  Movement.    Report  of  the  Panama  Congress, 

Vol.  II,  1916. 

Peck,  Annie.    The  South  American  Tour.    New  York,  Doran,  1913. 
Ross,  Edward  A.    South  of  Panama.     New  York,  Century,  1915. 
Speer,  Robert  E.    South  American  Problems.    New  York,  Student 

Volunteer  Movement,  1912. 

The  Negro  Problem 

Brawley,  Benjamin  Griffith.    A  Short  History  of  the  American  Negro. 
New  York,  Macmillan,  1913. 

173 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Brawley,  Benjamin  Griffith.  Your  Negro  Neighbor.  New  York, 
Macmillan,  1918. 

Crisis  The.     Monthly,  New  York. 

Du  Bois,  W.  E.  Burgherdt.  The  Souls  of  Black  Folk.  Chicago. 
McClurg,  1904. 

Hammond,  Lily  Hardy.  In  Black  and  White.  New  York,  Revell, 
1914. 

National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People.  Pub- 
lications, New  York. 

Negro  Education,  Report  on.  Department  of  Education,  U.  S.  De- 
partment of  the  Interior. 

Ovington,  Mary  W.    Half  a  Man.  New  York,  Longmans,  Green,  1911. 

Phillips,  Ulrich  B.  American  Negro  Slavery.  New  York,  Appleton, 
1918. 

Washington,  Booker  T.  The  Negro  in  the  South.  Philadelphia, 
Jacobs,  1907. 

Weatherford,  Willis  Duke.  Negro  Life  in  the  South.  New  York, 
Association  Press,  1910. 

Frances  Willard 

Strachey,  Rachel.  Frances  Willard,  Her  Life  and  Work.  New  York, 
Fleming  Revell,  1913. 

Willard,  Frances.  Addresses.  Chicago  Woman's  Temperance  Pub- 
lication Association. 

Willard,  Frances.  Woman  in  the  Pulpit.  Chicago  Woman's  Tem- 
perance Publication  Association,  1889. 

Marriage,  Monogamy,  and  Polygamy 

Gallichan,  W.  M.    Women  under  Polygamy.    London,  Halden  and 

Hardingham,  1914. 
Hartley,  C.  Gascoigne.    The  Age  of  Mother-Power;  The  Position  of 

Women  in  Primitive  Society.    New  York,  Dodd,  Mead,  1914. 
Key,  Ellen.    Love  and  Marriage.    New  York,  Putnam,  1911. 
Meissel-Hess,  Grete.    The  Sexual  Crisis.    New  York,  Mount  Morris 

Publishing  Company,  1917. 

Parsons,  Elsie  Clews.    The  Family.    New  York,  Putnam,  1906. 
Royden,  A.  Maude.     Women  and  the  Sovereign  State.     London, 

Headley  Brothers,  1917. 
Westermarck,  Edward.    The  History  of  Human  Marriage.    New  York, 

Macmillan,  1894. 

Anthropology 

Boas,  Franz;  Dixon,  Roland,  and  others.  Anthropology  in  North 
America.  New  York,  Stechert,  1915. 

Grant,  Madison.  The  Passing  of  the  Great  Race;  or  the  Racial 
Basis  of  European  History.  New  York.  Scribner,  1916. 

Jennings,  H.  S.,  and  others.    Suggestions  of  Modern  Science  Concern- 
ing Education.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1917. 
174 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Marett,  R.  R.    Anthropology.    London,  Williams  and  Norgate,  1911. 
Montessori,  Maria.    Pedagogical  Anthropology.    New  York,  Stokes, 

1913. 
Osborn,  Henry  F.    The  Origin  and  Evolution  of  Life.    New  York, 

Scribner,  1917. 

Tylor,  Edward  B.     Anthropology.    New  York,  Appleton,  1893. 
Windle,  Bertram  C.  A.    A  Century  of  Scientific  Thought  and  Other 

Essays.    London,  Burns  and  Oates,  1915. 

Joan  of  Arc 

France,  Anatole.    The  Life  of  Joan  of  Arc.    New  York,  Lane,  1909. 

Public  Forums 

Coleman,   George  William.     Democracy  in  the  Making.     Boston, 

Little  Brown,  1915. 
Forum,  The.  Monthly,  New  York. 
Grant,  Percy  S.;  De  Jarnette,  A.  Syle.     The  International  Forum 

Department  of  Current  Opinion,  beginning  March,  1918. 
Literature  of  the  International  Forum  Association,  Inc.     10  W.  llth 

St.,  New  York. 

Karl  Marx 

Capital;  a  critique  of  political  economy.    Chicago,  Kerr,  1907-09. 
Revolution  and  Counter-Revolution.     London,  Sonnenschein,  1896. 
Value,  Price  and  Profit.     Chicago,  Kerr,  1908. 

Social  Thinking 

Bergson,  Henri.    Introduction  to  a  New  Philosophy.    Boston,  Luce» 

1912. 

Coit,  Stanton.    Soul  of  America.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1914. 
McDougall,  William.     Social  Psychology.     London,  Methuen,  1908. 
Ross,  Edward  A.    Social  Control.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1901. 
Sumner,  Wm.  G.    Folkways.    Boston,  Ginn,  1907. 

Fabians 

Fabian  New,    Monthly.    London. 

Pease,  Edward  R.    History  of  the  Fabian  Society.    London,  Fifield, 
1916. 


CHAPTER  IV 

Communal  Art 

Archer,  Wm.,  and  Barker,  Granville.    A  National  Theatre:  Schemes 
and  Estimates.     London,  Duckworth,  1907. 

Beegle,  Mary  P.,  and  Crawford,  J.  R.    Community  Drama  and  Pag- 
eantry.    New  Haven,  Yale  University  Press,  1916. 
175 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Burleigh,  Louise.  The  Community  Theatre  in  Theory  and  Practice. 
Boston,  Little  Brown,  1917. 

Langdon,  Wm.  C.,  and  Farwell,  H.  The  Celebration  of  the  Fourth  of 
July  by  Means  of  Pageantry.  New  York,  Russell  Sage  Founda- 
tion, 1912. 

MacKaye,  Percy.  The  Civic  Theatre  in  Relation  to  the  Redemption 
of  Leisure.  New  York,  Kennerly,  1912. 

Shaw,  Bernard.  The  Cinema  as  a  Moral  Leveller,  Supplement  to  the 
New  Statesman,  June  27,  1914. 

Torrence,  Ridgley.  Granny  Maumee.  Plays  for  a  Negro  Theatre. 
New  York,  Macmillan,  1917. 

Public  Health 

Beers,  Clifford  W.  Purposes,  Plans,  and  Work  of  State  Societies  for 
Mental  Hygiene.  New  York,  National  Committee  for  Mental 
Hygiene,  1915. 

Biggs,  H.  M.,  and  Bolduan,  C.  F.  The  Tuberculosis  Campaign:  Its 
Influence  on  the  Methods  of  Public  Health  Work.  New  York, 
City  Health  Department,  1913. 

Brend,  Wm.  A.    Health  and  the  State.     London,  Constable,  1917. 

Devine  Edward  T.  Misery  and  Its  Causes.  New  York,  Macmillan,  1909. 

Hill,  Hibbert  Winslow.  The  New  Public  Health.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan, 1916. 

Hunt  Caroline  L.  Life  of  Ellen  Richards.  Boston,  Whitcomb  & 
Barrows,  1912. 

Hutchinson,  Woods.  Community  Hygiene.  Boston,  Houghton 
Mifflin,  1916. 

International  Council  of  Women.  The  Health  of  Nations.  London, 
Constable,  1910. 

Knopf,  S.  Adolphus.  The  Modern  Warfare  Against  Tuberculosis  as 
a  Disease  of  the  Masses.  New  York,  Elliott,  1914. 

Morrow,  Prince  A.  Social  Diseases  and  Marriage;  Social  Prophylaxis. 
New  York,  Lea  Brothers,  1904. 

National  Association  for  the  Study  and  Prevention  of  Tuberculosis. 
Publications,  New  York,  105  E.  22nd  Street. 

Newman,  George.  The  Health  of  the  State.  London,  Headley 
Brothers,  1913. 

New  York  Social  Hygiene  Society.    Publications.    New  York. 

Nightingale,  Florence.    Notes  on  Nursing.    New  York,  Appleton,  1908. 

Nutting,  M.  Adelaide,  and  Dock,  L.  L.  History  of  Nursing.  New 
York,  Putnam,  1912. 

Social  Morality  Committee,  National  Board  Young  Women's  Chris- 
tian Association.  Publications,  New  York,  600  Lexington  Avenue. 

Wald,  Lillian  D.    The  House  on  Henry  Street.    New  York,  Holt,  1915. 

Waters,  Ysabella.  Visiting  Nursing  in  the  United  States.  New  York, 
Russell  Sage  Foundation,  1909. 

Sanitation 

Bacon,  Albion  Fellows.  Beauty  for  Ashes.  New  York,  Dodd,  Mead, 
1914. 

176 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Gorgas,  Wm.  C.  Sanitation  in  Panama.  New  York,  Appleton,  1915. 
Price,  George  M.  Handbook  on  Sanitation.  New  York,  Wiley,  1915. 
Richards,  Ellen.  Conservation  by  Sanitation;  Air  and  Water  Supply, 

Disposal  of  Waste.     New  York,  Wiley,  1911. 
Richards,  Ellen.    Cost  of  Cleanliness.    New  York,  Wiley,  1908. 
Richards,  Ellen.     Sanitation  in  Daily  Life.    Boston,  Whitcomb  and 

Barrows,  1907. 
Wood,  Harold  B.    Sanitation  Practically  Applied.    New  York,  Wiley, 

1917. 


CHAPTER  V 

Education  of  Defective  and  Crippled  Children 

Binet,  A.,  and  Simon,  Th.    Mentally  Defective  Children.    New  York, 

Longmans,  Green,  1914. 
Irwin,  Elisabeth  A.    Truancy,  A  Study  of  the  Mental,  Physical  and 

Social  Factors  of  the  Problem  of  Non-attendance  at  School.    New 

York,  Public  Education  Association,  1915. 
Reeves,  Edith  G.     Care  and  Education  of  Crippled  Children  in  the 

U.  S.     New  York,  Russell  Sage  Foundation,  1914. 
Shuttleworth,  G.  E.,  and  Potts,  W.  A.    Mentally  Deficient  Children: 

Their  Treatment  and  Training.     London,  Lewis,  1916. 
Terman,  Lewis  M.    Measurement  of  Intelligence.    Boston,  Houghton 

Mifflin,  1916. 

Tredgold,  Alfred  F.    Mental  Deficiency.    New  York,  Wood,  1914. 
Young,    Meredith.     The   Mentally   Defective   Child.     New   York, 

Hoeber,  1916. 

Unemployment 

Andrews,  Irene  Osgood.  Relation  of  Irregular  Employment  to  the 
Living  Wage  for  Women  (in  New  York  State  Factory  Investigating 
Commission  Fourth  Report,  1915),  Albany,  1915. 

Andrews,  John  B.  American  Cities  and  the  Prevention  of  Unem- 
ployment. New  York,  Civic  Press,  1916. 

Barnes,  Charles  B.  The  Longshoreman.  New  York,  Russell  Sage 
Foundation,  1915. 

British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science:  Replacement  of 
Men  by  Women  in  Industry.  (Part  I  in  Credit,  Industry,  and  the 
War.  London,  Pitman,  1915.  Part  II  hi  Labour,  Finance,  and  the 
War.  London,  Pitman,  1916.) 

Fabian  Women's  Group.  The  War,  Women,  and  Unemployment. 
London,  Fabian  Society,  1915. 

Solenberger,  Alice  W.  One  Thousand  Homeless  Men.  New  York, 
Russell  Sage  Foundation,  1911. 

Van  Kleeck,  Mary.  A  Seasonal  Industry;  A  Study  of  the  Millinery 
Trade  in  New  York  City.  New  York,  Russell  Sage  Foundation, 
1917. 

177 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Injurious  Trades 

Goldmark,  Josephine.     Fatigue  and  Efficiency.     New  York,  Survey 

Associates,  Inc.,  1913. 
Kelley,  Florence.    Modern  Industry  in  Relation  to  the  Family,  Health, 

Education,  Morality.     New  York,  Longmans,  Green,  1914. 
Kober,  George  M.    Diseases  of  Occupation  and  Vocational  Hygiene. 

Philadelphia,  P.  Blackiston,  1916. 
New  York  State  Factory  Investigating  Commission.    Reports  (1912- 

1915),  Albany. 
Oliver,  Sir  Thomas.     Occupations  from  the  Social,  Hygienic,  and 

Medical  Points  of  View.     Cambridge,  University  Press,  1916. 
Tolman,  Wm.  H.,  and  Kendall,  L.  B.    Safety;  Methods  for  Preventing 

Occupational  and  Other  Accidents  and  Diseases.  New  York,  Harper, 

1913. 
Webb,  Beatrice.    Health  of  Working  Girls.    London,  Blackie,  1917. 

Communism 

Ameringer,  Oscar.  Communism,  Socialism,  and  the  Church.  Mil- 
waukee, Milwaukee  Social  Democratic  Publishing  Co.,  1913. 

Kropotkin,  Peter.  The  Conquest  of  Bread.  London,  Chapman  and 
Hall,  1906. 

Marx,  Karl,  and  Engels,  Friedrich.  Manifesto  of  the  Communist 
Party.  Chicago,  Kerr,  1912. 

Morris,  William.  Communism:  A  Lecture.  London,  Fabian  Society, 
1903. 

Tolstoy,  Leo.  The  Great  Iniquity.  London,  The  Free  Age  Press, 
1906. 

Trade  Guilds 

Cole,  C.  D.  H.    Self-Government  in  Industry.    London,  G.  Bell,  1917. 
Hobson,  S.  G.    Guild  Principles  in  War  and  Peace.     London,  G.  Bell, 

1917. 

New  Age,  The.     Weekly,  London. 

Orage,  A.  R.    National  Guilds.    London,  G.  Bell,  1914. 
Penty,  A.  J.    Old  Worlds  for  New.    New  York,  Sunwise  Turn,  1917. 

Dependent  Children 

Breckenridge,  S.  P.,  and  Abbott,  E.  The  Delinquent  Child  and  the 
Home.  New  York,  Russell  Sage  Foundation,  1912. 

Dependent  Children  in  the  State  of  New  York.  State  Charities  Aid 
Association.  Publication  No.  126,  New  York. 

Folks,  Homer.  Care  of  Destitute,  Neglected,  and  Delinquent  Chil- 
dren. New  York,  Macmillan,  1902. 

Gorst,  Sir  John  E.  The  Children  of  the  Nation.  New  York,  Dutton, 
1907. 

Heath,  H.  Llewellyn.  The  Infant,  the  Parent,  and  the  State.  Lon- 
don, P.  S.  King,  1907. 

Missouri  Children's  Code  Commission.    Report.    St.  Louis,  1917. 

178 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Norwegian  Laws  Concerning  Illegitimate  Children.    No.  31. 

Payne,  Geo.  H.  The  Child  in  Human  Progress.  New  York,  Putnam, 
1916. 

Sellers,  Edith.  The  State  Children  of  Hungary.  Contemporary  Re- 
view, March,  1907. 

Slingerland,  Wm.  H.  Child  Welfare  in  California.  New  York,  Russell 
Sage  Foundation,  1915. 

Slingerland,  Wm.  H.  Child  Welfare  Wrork  hi  Pennsylvania.  New 
York,  Russell  Sage  Foundation,  1915. 

Spargo,  John.  The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Children.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan,  1906. 

Summary  of  Child  Welfare  Laws  Passed  in  1916.    No.  21. 

United  States  Children's  Bureau  Publications: — Care  of  Dependents 

of  Enlisted  Men  in  Canada.     No.  25.    Government  Provisions  in 

U.  S.  and  Foreign  Countries  for  Members  of  Military  Forces  and 

.     Their  Dependents.    No.  28.    Laws  Relating  to  Mothers'  Pensions 

in  U.  S.,  Denmark,  and  New  Zealand.    No.  7. 

Abraham  Lincoln 
Lincoln,  Abraham:    Speeches,  Letters,  State  Papers,  and  Miscellaneous 

Writings.     New  York,  Century  Co.,  1894. 
Tarbell,  Ida  M.    Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln.    New  York,  Macmillan, 

1917. 

Thomas  Carlyle 

Critical  and  Miscellaneous  Essays.    New  York,  Collier,  1897. 
Heroes  and  Hero  Worship.     New  York,  Collier,  1897. 
Sartor  Resartus.     New  York,  Collier,  1897. 
The  French  Revolution.    New  York,  Collier,  1897. 

H.  G.  Wells 

Discovery  of  the  Future,  The.     New  York,  Huebsch,  1914. 

End  of  the  Armament  Rings,  The.    Boston,  WTorld  Peace  Foundation, 

1914. 

First  and  Last  Things.     New  York,  Putnam,  1908. 
Future  in  America,  The.     New  York,  Harper,  1906. 
Mankind  in  the  Making.     New  York,  Scribner,  1904. 
New  Worlds  for  Old.     London,  Constable,  1908. 
Social  Forces  in  England  and  America.    New  York,  Harper,  1914. 
This  Misery  of  Boots.     Boston,  Ball,  1908. 
WTiat  Is  Coming:  A  European  Forecast.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1916. 

CHAPTER  VI 

Political  Parties 

Croly,  Herbert.  The  Promise  of  American  Life.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan, 1907. 

Hillquit,  Morris.    History  of  Socialism  in  the  United  States.    New 
York,  Funk  and  Wagnalls,  1910. 
179 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Orth,  Samuel  P.    Five  American  Politicians :  A  Study  in  the  Evolution 

of  American  Politics.    Cleveland,  Burrows  Bros.,  1906. 
Rogers,  Henry  Wade.     The  Democratic  Party.     New  Haven,  Yale 

Review,  New  Series,  vol.  2,  1912. 
Sloane,  William  M.     Party  Government  in  the  United  States  of 

America.     New  York,  Harper,  1914. 
Tweedy,  John.    A  History  of  the  Republican  National  Conventions 

from  1856  to  1908.    Danbury,  Conn.,  Tweedy,  1910. 
Watkins,  A.  S.    Why  I  Am  a  Prohibitionist.    Chicago,  1912. 

Totem  Pattern 

Durkheim,  Emile.  The  Elementary  Forms  of  the  Religious  Life,  a 
Study  in  Religious  Sociology.  New  York,  Macmillan,  1915. 

Frazer,  James  G.  Totemism  and  Exogamy.  London,  Macmillan, 
1910. 

Freud,  Sigmund.  Totem  and  Taboo.  New  York,  Moffat,  Yard,  1918. 

Woman  Suffrage  Movement 

Blease,  W.  Lyon.    The  Emancipation  of  English  Women.    London, 

Nutt,  1913. 

Metcalfe,  A.  E.    Women's  Effort.    Oxford,  Blackwell,  1917. 
Stanton,  E.  C.,  Anthony,  S.  B.,  Gage,  M.  J.,  Harper,  I.  H.    History 

of   Woman    Suffrage.      New   York,    National   American   Woman 

Suffrage  Association,  1881-1910. 

Initiative,  Referendum  and  Recall 

Barnett,  James  D.    The  Operation  of  the  Initiative,  Referendum  and 

Recall  in  Oregon.     New  York,  Macmillan,  1915. 
Beard,  Chas.  A.,  and  Schultz,  B.  E.     Documents  on  the  State-wide 

Initiative,  Referendum,  and  Recall.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1912. 
Munro,  William  Bennett.    The  Initiative,  Referendum,  and  Recall. 

New  York,  Appleton,  1912. 
Wilcox,  Delos  F.    Government  by  All  the  People,  or,  the  Initiative, 

Referendum,  and  Recall  as  Instruments  of  Democracy.    New  York, 

Macmillan,  1912. 


CHAPTER  VII 

Mexico 

Atl.    The  Mexican  Revolution  and  the  Nationalization  of  the  Land. 
New  York,  Mexican  Bureau  of  Information,  1915. 

Hagar,  George  J.    Plain  Facts  about  Mexico.    New  York,  Harper, 
1916. 

Jordan,  David  Starr.    What  of  Mexico?    New  York,  Mexican- Ameri- 
can League,  1916. 

Lawrence,  David.    The  Truth  about  Mexico.    New  York,  Evening 
Post  Co.,  1917. 

180 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

MacHugh,  R.  J.     Modern  Mexico.    London,  Methuen,  1914. 
O'Shaughnessy,   Edith.     Diplomat's  Wife  in  Mexico.     New  York, 

Harper,  1916. 

Starr,  Frederick.    In  Indian  Mexico.    Chicago,  Forbes,  1908. 
Starr,  Frederick.    Readings  from  Modern  Mexican  Authors.    Chicago, 

Open  Court  Pub.  Co.,  1904. 

Australia 

Australian   Commonwealth,   The.     Its   Resources   and   Production. 

Melbourne,  McCarron  Bird,  1915. 
Reeves,  Win.  Pember.     State  Experiments  in  Australia  and  New 

Zealand.     London,  Richards,  1907. 

Japan 

Bacon,  Alice  Mabel.    Japanese  Girls  and  Women.    Boston,  Houghton 

Mifflin  Co.,  1902. 
Gulick,  Sydney  L.    The  American  Japanese  Problem.     New  York, 

Scribner,  1914. 
lyenaga,  Toyokichi.    Japan's  Real  Attitude  Toward  America.    New 

York  and  London,  Putnam,  1916. 
Niotobe,  Inazo  Ota.    The  Japanese  Nation.    New  York  and  London, 

Putnam,  1912. 
Porter,  Robert  Percival.     The  Full  Recognition  of  Japan.    London, 

Oxford  University  Press,  1911. 

China 

Blakeslee,  George  Hubbard.    China  and  the  Far  East.    New  York, 

Crowell,  1910. 
Blakeslee,  George  Hubbard.    Recent  Developments  in  China.    New 

York,  Stechert,  1913. 
Bland,  John,  Otway,  Percy,  and  Blackhouse,  E.     China  under  the 

Empress  Dowager.     London,  W.  Heinemann,  1910. 
Groot,  J.  J.  Maria  de.    The  Religion  of  the  Chinese.    New  York,  Mac- 

millan,  1910. 
Reinsch,  Paul  Samuel.     Intellectual  and  Political  Currents  in  the 

Far  East.     Boston,  Houghton  Mifflin,  1911. 
Ross,  Edward  A.    The  Changing  Chinese.    New  York,  Century,  1911. 

India 

Collier,  Price.    The  West  in  the  East  from  an  American  Point  of  View. 

New  York,  Scribner,  1911. 
Cooper,  Elizabeth.    The  Harim  and  the  Purdah.    London,  Unwin, 

1915. 
Cowan,  Minna  J.    The  Education  of  the  Women  of  India.    Edinburgh, 

Oliphant,  Anderson  and  Ferrier,  1912. 
Eddy,  Sherwood.     India  Awakening.     New  York,  1911. 
Chimnabai,  Maharani  of  Baroda,  and  Nutra,  S.  M.    The  Position  of 

Women  in  Indian  Life.    London,  Longmans,  Green,  1911. 
181 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Africa 

Alston,  Madeline.    From  the  Heart  of  the  Veld.    New  York,  John 

Lane,  1916. 
Burton,  Sir  Richard  F.     First  Footsteps  in  East  Africa.     London, 

Tylston  and  Edwards,  1894. 
Johnston,  Sir  Harry.     A  History  of  the  Colonization  of  Africa  by 

Alien  Races.    Cambridge,  University  Press,  1905. 
Morel,  Edmund  D.    Nigeria,  Its  People  and  Its  Problems.  London, 

Smith  Elder,  1912. 
Rhodes,  Cecil.    His  Political  Life  and  Speeches.    London,  Chapman 

and  Hall,  1900. 
Schreiner,  Olive.     Story  of  an  African  Farm.    London,  Hutchinson, 

1910. 

CHAPTER  VIII 

Socialism 

Dickinson,  G.  Lowes.     Justice  and  Liberty.     New  York,  McClure, 

1908. 
Ensor,  Robert  C.  K.    Modem  Socialism  as  Set  Forth  in  Their  Speeches, 

Writings,  and  Programmes.     London,  Harper,  1910. 
Fabian  Society.     Essays  and  Tracts.     London. 
Hillquit,  Morris.     Socialism  in  Theory  and  Practice.     New  York, 

Macmillan,  1909. 
Popp,  Adelheid.    Autobiography  of  a  Workingman.    Chicago,  Browne, 

1913. 
Vandervelde,  Emile.      Collectivism  and  the  Industrial  Revolution. 

Chicago,  Kerr,  1906. 
Vandervelde,  Emile,  and  others.    Together  at  Last:  The  International 

Reconciliation  of  Labor  and  Religion.     London,  Johnson,  1915. 
Wells,  H.  G.    New  Worlds  for  Old.    London,  Constable,  1908. 

Labor  Problem 

Addams,  Jane.    Newer  Ideals  of  Peace.    New  York,  Macmillan,  1907, 

Brooks,  John  Graham.  The  Social  Unrest.  New  York,  Macmillan, 
1911. 

Hobson,  John  A.  Work  and  Wealth:  A  Human  Valuation.  New 
York,  Macmillan,  1914. 

Hollander,  Jacob  H.  The  Abolition  of  Poverty.  Boston,  Houghton 
Mifflin,  1914. 

Labor  and  the  New  Social  Order.  Report  on  Reconstruction  by  Sub- 
Committee  of  the  British  Labor  Party.  Supplement  to  the  New 
Republic,  Feb.  16,  1918. 

Liberator,  The.     Monthly,     New  York. 

New  Republic,  The.     Weekly,     New  York. 

New  Statesman,  The.     Weekly,     London. 

Patton,  Simon  N.  The  New  Basis  of  Civilization.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan, 1908. 

Survey,  The.     Weekly,     New  York. 

Webb,  Sidney  and  Beatrice.  Problems  of  Modern  Industry.  London, 
Longmans,  Green,  1898. 

182 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

William  James 

James,  William.  The  Moral  Equivalent  of  War  (in  Memories  and 
Studies).  New  York,  Longmans,  Green,  1911. 

Wage  Problem 

Bosworth,  Louise  M.    The  Living  Wage  of  Women  Workers.    New 

York,  Longmans,  Green,  1911. 
Frankfurter,   Felix,   and   Goldmark,   Josephine.     Oregon   Minimum 

Wage  Cases,  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  October  Term,  1916.     New 

York,  National  Consumers'  League. 
Lectures  on  the  Industrial  Unrest  and  the  Living  Wage  given  at  the 

Inter-Denominational    Summer    School    at    Swanwick.      London, 

King,  1913. 

Inter-Allied  Labor  Conference 

Inter- Allied  War  Aims.  Supplement  to  the  New  Republic,  March 
23,  1918. 

Labor  Conditions 

American  Association  for  Labor  Legislation.  Publications,  New  York, 
131  E.  23d  Street. 

Brandeis,  Louis  D.,  and  Goldmark,  Josephine.  Brief  on  Night  Work 
of  Women,  Court  of  Special  Sessions.  New  York,  National  Con- 
sumers' League,  1915. 

Brooklyn  Consumers'  League.  Handbook  of  Labor  Laws  of  New 
York,  1917. 

Commons,  J.  R.,  and  Andrews,  J.  B.  Principles  of  Labor  Legislation. 
New  York,  Harper,  1916. 

New  York  State,  Factory  Investigating  Commission  Reports  (1912- 
1915).  Lyon,  Albany. 

Survey,  The.    Weekly.     New  York. 

Women  Workers 

Abbott,  Edith.     Women  hi  Industry.     New  York,  Appleton,  1910. 

Burton,  Margaret  E.  Women  Workers  of  the  Orient.  New  York, 
1918. 

Cadbury,  Edward,  Matheson,  M.  Cecile,  and  Shann,  George.  Wom- 
en's Work  and  Wages.  London,  Unwin,  1909. 

Gulick,  Sidney  L.  Working  Women  of  Japan.  New  York,  Missionary 
Education  Movement,  1915. 

Hutchins,  B.  L.    Women  in  Modern  Industry.    London,  Bell,  1915. 

Life  and  Labor.     Monthly,  Chicago. 

Woman's  Industrial  News.     Monthly,  London. 

Child  Labor 

Clopper,  Edward  N.  Child  Labor  in  City  Streets.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan,  1912. 

Freeman,  Arnold.  Boy  Life  and  Labour:  the  Manufacture  of  Ineffi- 
ciency. London,  King,  1914. 

183 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Greenwood,  Arthur.  Juvenile  Labour  Exchanges  and  After  Care. 
London,  King,  1911. 

Keeling,  Frederic.  The  Labour  Exchange  in  Relation  to  Boy  and  Girl 
Labour.  London,  King,  1910. 

National  Child  Labor  Committee.  Publications.  New  York,  105  E. 
22nd  Street. 

Nearing,  Scott.  The  Solution  of  the  Child  Labor  Problem.  New 
York,  Moffat  Yard,  1911. 

Spargo,  John.  The  Bitter  Cry  of  the  Children.  New  York,  Mac- 
millan,  1909. 

U.  S.  Children  Bureau  Publications: — Sumner  and  Merritt,  Child 
Labor  Legislation  in  the  United  States.  Sumner  and  Hanks,  Ad- 
ministration of  Child  Labor  Laws.  Rochester,  Anna,  Child  Labor 
in  Warring  Countries. 

Vocational  Training 

Cleveland^  Educational  Survey  Sectional  Reports.     1915-1916. 

Boughten,  A.  C.    Household  Arts  and  School  Lunches. 

Bryner,  E.,  Dressmaking  and  Millinery.    The  Garment  Trades. 

O'Leary,  I.  P.    Department  Store  Occupations. 

Shaw,  F.  L.    The  Building  Trades.— The  Printing  Trades. 

Stevens,  B.  M.     Boys  and  Girls  in  Commercial  Work. 

Lutz,  R.  R.  'The  Metal  Trades. 
Kerschensteiner,  George.     The  Schools  and  the  Nation.     London, 

Macmillan,  1914. 
Lapp,  J.  A.,  and  Mote,  C.  H.     Learning  to  Earn.     Indianapolis, 

Bobbs  Merrill,  1915. 
Leake,  Albert  H.     The  Vocational  Education  of  Girls  and  Women. 

New  York,  Macmillan,  1918. 
Mactavish,    J.   M.  What  Labor  Wants  from  Education.    London, 

Workers'  Educational  Association,  1916. 
Marot,  Helen.      Creative  Impulse  in  Industry.      New  York,  Dutton, 

1918. 

National  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Vocational  Education.     Pub- 
lications.   New  York,  140  W.  42nd  Street. 
Parsons,  Frank.     Choosing  a  Vocation.     Boston,  Houghton  Mifflin, 

1909. 

Woods,  Robert  A.,  and  Kennedy,  A.  J.  Young  Working  Girls.  Bos- 
ton, Houghton  Mifflin,  1913. 


CHAPTER  IX 

Lincoln  Steffens 

Steffens,  Lincoln.    The  Shame  of  the  Cities.    New  York,  McClure 

Phillips,  1904. 
Steffens,  Lincoln.     The  Struggle  for  Self-Government.     New  York, 

McClure  Phillips,  1906. 

184 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Government  Control 

Cole,  G.  D.  H.    The  State  and  Industry.    London,  Headley  Bros., 

1917. 
Davies,  Emil.    The  Nationalization  of  Railways.    London,  A.  &  C. 

Black,  1911. 
Fabian,  Society.    How  to  Pay  for  the  War.    Edited  by  Sidney  Webb. 

London,  Fabian  Society,  1916. 
Haines,  Henry  S.     Problems  in  Railway  Regulation.     New  York, 

Macmillan,  1911. 
Holcombe,  A.  N.    Public  Ownership  of  Telephones  on  the  Continent 

of  Europe.     Boston,  Hough  ton  Mifflin,  1911. 
Holmes,  Frederick  L.    Regulation  of  Railroads  and  Public  Utilities  in 

Wisconsin.    New  York,    Appleton,  1915. 

Orth,  Samuel  P.    Readings  on  the  Relation  of  Government  to  Prop- 
erty and  Industry.    Boston,    Ginn,  1915. 
Tridcn,  Andre    The  New  Unionism.    New  York,    Huebsch,  1917. 

Woman  Movement 

Addams,  Jane.     The  Long  Road  of  Woman's  Memory.    New  York, 

Macmillan,  1916. 
Anthony,  Katharine.    Feminism  in  Germany  and  Scandinavia.     New 

York,  1915. 
Gilman,  Charlotte  P.    Women  and  Economics.    Boston,  Small  May- 

nard,  1898. 
Nearing,  Scott,  and  N.  M.    Woman  and  Social  Progress.    New  York, 

Macmillan,  1912. 
Schreiner,  Olive.    Woman  and  Labor.    New  York,  Stokes,  1911. 

Eight  Hour  Laws 

Frankfurter,  Felix,  and  Goldmark,  Josephine.  The  Case  for  the 
Shorter  Work  Day.  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  October  Term,  1916. 
New  York,  National  Consumers'  League. 

Goldmark,  Josephine.  Fatigue  and  Efficiency.  New  York,  Survey 
Associates,  1913. 

Women  in  Professions 

Bennett,  Helen  M.  Women  and  Work.  New  York,  London,  Apple- 
ton,  1917. 

Morley,  Edith  J.  Women  Workers  in  Seven  Professions.  London, 
George  Routledge,  1914. 

Robinson,  Mabel  Louise.  The  Curriculum  of  the  Woman's  College. 
U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education,  Washington,  1918. 

CHAPTER  X 

Profit-Sharing 

Emmet,  Boris.     Profit-Sharing  in  the  United  States.    U.  S.  Bureau 
of  Labor  Statistics,  Washington,  1917. 
185 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Ford,  Henry.  Report  of  Testimony  of  Henry  Ford  Before  the  Fed- 
eral Commission.  New  York,  Anderson  Co.,  1915. 

Gay,  Edwin  F.,  and  others.    Profit-Sharing.    New  York,  Harper,  1918. 

Harris,  Emerson  P.  Cooperation,  the  Hope  of  the  Consumer.  New 
York,  Macmillan,  1918. 

Webb,  Sidney  and  Beatrice.  Cooperative  Production  and  Profit- 
Sharing.  Supplement  to  the  New  Statesman,  Feb.  14,  1914. 

Williams,  Aneurin.  Copartnership  and  Profit-Sharing.  New  York, 
Holt,  1913. 


186 


